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Archaisms in ‘The
Rime of the Ancient Mariner’
Margaret
J.-M. Sonmez
In his work on Percy's
Reliques, Nick Groom identifies
an all-important link between eighteenth-century
ideas of the ancient poets and poems
and the Romantic ideal of poetic genius.
Both are perceived as 'natural' while,
at the same time, embodying an almost
supernatural spark of creativity. 'By
1757', he writes, 'Thomas Gray had raised
the popular conception of the mysterious
figure of "the Bard" to that of a prophetic
ancient poet'. [1]
In the new search for true poetry, even
the most revolutionary of Romantics
seemed to concur that 'though truth
and falsehood bee / Neare twins, yet
truth a little elder is', [2]
with references to the authority and
example of 'our elder writers' and 'the
elder bards' abounding in their theoretical
works. [3]
The link between authority and seniority,
though rejected in the case of the more
recent past, was argued for more strongly
with regard to distant times, during
which the mysterious workings of inspiration
impelled writers in their productions
of genius. Romantic and post-Romantic
writers such as Coleridge, Keats, Tennyson,
and Browning would take advantage of
such associations, producing works that
originated in, or appeared to originate
in, 'olden days'. The origins of their
stories would be semi-hidden, the original
inspiration equally concealed, and the
poems-and perhaps the poets themselves-would
thus be endowed with something of the
authority and 'canonical significance'
attached to national treasures. [4]
Conversely, unpopular or unfashionable
elements in the works could be ascribed,
through implication, to the 'original'
version.
The
paradigmatic example of a poem that
is both (largely) associated with an
'inspired' bardic figure and set in
the mysterious past is, without doubt,
Samuel Taylor Coleridge's 'Rime of the
Ancient Mariner'. In this poem, all
the issues mentioned above are fully
operative and given a specifically Coleridgean
twist. His archaisms, by which I mean
all the devices employed to make the
work seem to belong to the past, are
used for purposes beyond mere association
with the past. In fact, Coleridge's
concerns with poetry in many ways run
parallel to the theoretical issues arising
from archaisms as used in 'The Rime
of the Ancient Mariner'. It is the contention
of this paper that, far from eliminating
archaisms, Coleridge's textual revisions
encouraged and added archaistic complexity
to the poem in order to collapse the
boundaries between past and present,
between inspiration, authority and text,
and between poet and poem.
To
this end, the main devices of archaism
found in 'The Ancient Mariner' are
discussed in an effort to illustrate
how and why they are effective, and
the paper will also show the effects
of textual revisions on these archaisms
through the eight versions published
during Coleridge's lifetime. [5]
Analysis of the different versions,
in fact, reveals very little relevant
data for the last three revisions, so
most of the comments below deal with
the versions of 1798, 1800, 1802, 1805
and 1817. [6]
Archaism
Archaisms are metonyms for the past:
by a small part of the past-a word,
a grammatical formation, a spelling-we
are meant to understand the invisible
presence and influence of the whole.
When a writer distributes archaic material
throughout his work, the reader understands
that the whole of that work is meant
to seemingly belong to the time
when such material was normally found.
Metonyms work through a fairly simple
system of association (unlike symbols,
for instance, where overt resemblance
plays no part). The metonymy of archaism
is mixed with something less straightforward,
however, in that it is a stylistic device
involving the reader in a form of 'double
perception', [7]
whereby a text from one period is perceived
and identified as belonging to that
time, while simultaneously its historical
disguise is recognised and allowed to
affect our responses to the text. It
is a special case of Coleridge's 'willing
suspension of disbelief' (BL,
ch. xiv, p. 169)-and one that
would hold special appeal for writers
interested in conflating time through
mental association, as Coleridge does
in most of his poetic works. For this
double perception and conflation of
time zones to be effective, it is necessary
that the archaisms of the text should
not be too convincing: rather, they
should appear to come from the past
and at the same time provide signals
of their own falseness. [8]
As Walter Scott implicitly acknowledged,
archaism is a self-deconstructing trope.
[9]
As
a literary device, archaism is most
often described as a somewhat superficial
pretence-almost an affectation-involving
poetic diction. Conventional archaic
language in poetry is as unpopular today
as were conventionalised poetic expressions
to Wordsworth and Coleridge when the
experiment of the Lyrical Ballads
came out. It is perhaps because of this
unpopularity and perceived superficiality
that the subject is not much studied
and given very little credit as a worthwhile
addition to a text. Jack Stillinger,
for instance, reacts to the inherent
superficiality of archaism, and specifically
of linguistic archaism, when he suggests
that in 'The Ancient Mariner' 'the archaic
quality [.] has probably been overstated
[.] very likely, it is the [first] version's
exaggerated Gothicism, rather than the
outdated language, that was responsible
for the impression of archaizing'.
[10]
Archaising, though, has to be impression,
precisely in order to maintain the parallel
existence of two or more realms of time
in the one text. It is, moreover, a
far more varied and frequently used
practice than is generally acknowledged.
Pervasive
and consistent archaism may be identical
to a form of impersonation, so in order
to be effective as a time-cruncher it
needs to signal its own duplicity. Ensuring
that the archaisms affect only some
levels of parts of the text usually
does this. In this sense archaism is
genuinely superficial, but such superficiality
need not imply lack of theoretical depth.
Archaisms are in fact a very topical
part of the games texts play, acting
as 'wormholes' through which the text/reader
is made to enter a different time zone;
[11]
they create a form of temporal intertextuality
through which the text-of-now and the
text-of-then are fused or interlaced,
read together but understood separately.
It can have a startling effect on the
perceived identity of a piece of writing,
which may be seen as simultaneously
the very latest literary experiment
and an old, old tale from long ago.
Metonyms
for the past need not manifest themselves
as forms of words only: anything very
old-fashioned may be used and received
as an archaism: the story, the details
of life given within the story, the
form in which the story is told, the
look of the text on the page, and so
on. Reading 'The Ancient Mariner', one
is conscious, from its title onwards,
of its formal archaisms. It is, in fact,
mostly through the effects of such associative
devices that Coleridge creates the illusion
of an archaic past in this poem. [12]
The content of the poem is only rarely
used for this purpose, and never with
any historical specificity: that is
to say, while some historical practices
are referred to, there are no direct
references to datable events or personages.
Nevertheless, archaism covers a broad
range of devices in this work, which
include the language, the genre, the
presentation of the printed text (the
look of the poem), and the content of
the surrounding paraphernalia. There
is also a scattering of references to
out-dated beliefs and practices.
It
is not simply the mariner who is ancient
in the poem, for if he is ancient, then
his rhyme must be old too. The wedding
guest of the tale may be a little younger,
but whoever is meant to have written
down this ballad did so a long time
ago, when the language was noticeably
different from that of the last years
of the eighteenth century when it was
first published. From internal evidence
we do not know the dates of creation
of the various forms of this work, nor
do we know who first told it, sang it,
or put it into written form; it seems
in some ways to be one of those legends
whose truths are all the more powerful
for having origins lost in the mists
of time, like ruins 'invested [.] with
vague aspirations towards infinity and
the past'. [13]
External evidence may convince us that
it is the production of one 'S. T.
Coleridge', intent upon exciting our
sympathies with elements of the supernatural
(BL, ch. XIV,
p. 168), but the poem itself hides
its origins. The concealment is effected
mostly through multiple and contradictory
time elements: the tale is distanced
from its reader (and its real creator)
by more than just an ancient bard-like
figure: through a number of archaising
features the text declares itself to
be old.
Language
The most common understanding
of literary archaism in English is that
of verbal archaism. It involves the
inclusion of old-fashioned vocabulary
like 'grey-beard loon' (l. 11),
old verbal endings (-st, -th),
and grammatical changes such as the
use of defunct question and negative
forms: wherefore stopp'st thou me?'
(l. 4), 'this body dropt not down'
(l. 231), and so on. These features
comprise the most frequently encountered
type of archaism met in our literature,
generally known as 'Spenserian' archaism.
Since the eighteenth century (with its
attendant interest in antiquarianism),
writers have sometimes added a flavour
of the past with some old-looking spellings:
adding an extra -e to the end
of a word, for example, easily creates
icons of the past. Scholars who discuss
written archaisms employ this very device
to describe the sort of falsely past
world that is being evoked by most archaisms:
they use expressions which rely for
their meaning entirely on their spelling:
Geoffrey Leech at one point refers to
'olde worlde quaintness', while W. N.
Parker speaks of the 'merrie England'
depicted in Ivanhoe. [14]
These expressions are used by a number
of present day commentators in their
descriptions of the 1798 'Ancient Mariner'.
William Empson, for instance, sees Coleridge
laughing at 'olde worlde sensationalism'.
[15]
Archaisms
of the Spenserian sort are found everywhere
in the first printed version of 'The
Ancient Mariner'. The individually
archaic vocabulary items and outdated
expressions are not specific in terms
of the period or periods they characterise.
At any rate, the general impression
of pastness that is created by such
words and expressions as yea,
i wist, and Ah wel-a-day
does not seem to be contradicted by
any of the other formalities of the
text, and the impressions they produce
are of a period extending from Chaucer
(een for 'eyes', ne .
ne for 'nor', yeven for 'given')
to the Reformation (exclamations and
oaths referring to Mary act as metonyms
for Catholicism and thence to the whole
of pre-Reformation England). With the
exception of a very few obscure expressions
(Pheere, 1798: line 180; weft,
1798: line 83), these all belong to
Leech's 'standard archaic usage': the
repertoire of archaisms available to
poets at any time from 1600 to 1900
and 'not based on the style of any one
writer'. [16]
Coleridge himself had already used such
archaisms in his verse, notably in his
'Lines in the Manner of Spenser' (first
published 1796).
The
first published version of 'The Ancient
Mariner' shows an even greater incidence
of old-fashioned spellings and verbal
endings than of old vocabulary. Unlike
old words and expressions, they act
almost purely as visual stimuli (David
Hartley had claimed the essential importance
of the senses in the associative faculty),
leading the reader to associate what
they are reading with a general image
of texts from the past. [17]
But on closer consideration it can be
seen that they too bear only a very
slight resemblance to the orthographic,
verbal, or grammatical forms actually
used in any one period of the past:
in other words, they too belong to 'standard
archaic usage'. Compared to the language
used at any of the periods possibly
indicated by the archaisms in this poem,
they are unrealistically regular. Furthermore,
there are significant internal linguistic
anachronisms, with the spellings, verbal
endings, and, especially, grammatical
forms being chronologically contradictory.
[18]
Analysis of these elements reveals that
neither the spellings nor the verbal
endings can be placed in any precise
period that could coincide with the
syntax of the poem, which is almost
entirely late-Early-Modern, which is
to say basically eighteenth-century.
Archaic word forms in this poem, then,
are an amalgam of marked or well-known
features that characterise the language
as 'old': they are at one and the same
time immediately recognisable and somehow
unconvincing.
In
general, then, the formal aspects of
the first published version (1798) provide
clear and visual archaisms that stimulate
the mind's association of the poem with
the period of the first flowering English
Literature-the period spanning the late
middle ages and Renaissance. It is,
indeed, as Coleridge is said to have
claimed, a language 'intelligible for
[the] [.] three centuries' up to 1798
('Advertisement', LB, 8); but
it is not identical with the English
of any of those three hundred years:
it merely seems like it. The poem in
this respect encourages identification
with the past and leads us at
the same time to understand that it
is not truly from the past: the
allusions made by the language are to
an overtly fictitious and literary past,
not to a historical one, and Coleridge's
readers are made consciously to suspend
their disbelief.
Modern
scholarship has identified in this dichotomy
a good source for criticism: Empson
says that 'the facetious archaisms urgently
needed removing', but adds that 'we
pay a heavy price for it'; Bygrave calls
it 'a pastiche medieval ballad'. [19]
It also provides a good source for deconstruction,
but our contemporaries are not the first
to focus on it: critics in the late
1790s were no less alert to the internal
contradictions of the language, which
they saw as a grave fault. Robert Southey,
in an anonymous review of October 1798,
wrote: 'We are tolerantly conversant
with the early English poets; and can
discover no resemblance whatever, except
in antiquated spelling and a few obsolete
words'. [20]
One year later, another reviewer commented
that '[t]he author [.] is not correctly
versed in the old language, which he
undertakes to employ [.] but the ancient
style is well imitated, while the antiquated
words are so very few, that the latter
might with advantage be entirely removed
without any detriment to the effect
of the Poem'. [21]
The archaisms were seen as extraneous
to the story, a case of a good story
but the wrong diction. The fusion of
language and content that was so important
to Coleridge had not yet been argued
in public, and it seems that no one
then, and not many scholars more recently,
have been prepared to consider the archaisms
as integral to the poem as creative
event. [22]
With 'his god Wordsworth' (Charles Lamb;
quoted in LB, xl) joining the
chorus of dissent, and with a character
that was always ready to believe the
worst of himself and to accommodate
himself to please his friends, Coleridge
set about changing the unpopular archaisms.
For
the second (1800) published edition,
many commentators argue that Coleridge
swept away all or most of his archaisms,
[23]
although the more careful of them note
that what was purged consisted mainly
of some spellings and a few words. [24]
Comparison of the 1798 and 1800 texts
shows that Coleridge removed a number
of words and expressions that had been
singled out for unfriendly comment (Broad
as a weft, noises in a swound,
both criticised by the British Critic,
and Eftsones). [25]
He rewrote many, but by no means all,
of the old verbal endings in their modern
forms, [26]
and de-archaised the spellings of 'ancient'
and 'mariner' throughout the text, and
changed the so-called archaic spelling
of the exclamation O (without
the h) to the standard Oh. Ne
is converted to nor throughout,
but seemingly by the printer rather
than Coleridge, as this alteration was
not in Coleridge's list of corrections
sent to the printer for the second edition.
These, together with a few other incidental
respellings are the most frequent orthographic
changes found in his revisions of 1800.
This, then, is what scholars are in
fact referring to when they say that
he discarded most of the archaisms present
in the original edition.
It
is not a short poem, so the spelling
and morphological changes, plus the
replacement or excision of certain words
amount to a fair number of changes,
but still only to a small proportion
of the original verbal archaisms in
the poem. Some of the most evident archaisms,
including all of the most frequently
occurring group of verbs in the poem-the
auxiliaries-retained their antique forms,
as did all second-person singular pronouns
(thee, thou, thy,
thine), all affirmatory expressions
such as i wist and all exclamations
(for example, gramercy, wel-a-day).
These were kept in the second and all
subsequent versions, [27]
as were the old irregular verbal forms
such as clomb(e) for climbed,
uprist for uprose, whiles
for whilst, and the expressions
sterte (in 'a gust of wind sterte
up behind'; l. 198) and gan
(as in 'gan work the ropes', 'she
gan stir'). The third and fourth (1802,
1805) published versions saw a few more
occasional archaisms mopped up, but
nothing systematic, while at the same
time some new lines were added which
included archaisms such as eftsones
(in l. 12, this time). The major
rewritings of 1817 and 1834 made very
little difference to this level of archaism,
although there is the strange case of
the reappearance of one instance of
the old spelling 'marinere' (l. 517).
In fact very few formal alterations
to the words are made after 1800, and
almost none to the archaisms. [28]
In short, Coleridge and his printers
did not remove anything like all the
verbal archaisms from the first edition.
He/they removed, on my calculation,
a mere nineteen percent. It remained
a poem situated in an unspecified past
and the language continued to be an
important component in this act of situating.
Historical
References
Before moving on to more
complex instances of archaism, those
few references that situate the Mariner's
tale in an identifiable historical period
should be mentioned. The period is a
broad one and the allusions are indirect.
Perhaps the most frequent are to Catholicism,
appearing throughout the poem in exclamations
and prayers to Mary and in references
to confession and absolution (ll. 574-85),
along with the strange, more Romantic
than Catholic, 'penance' of his recurrent
compulsion to tell his tale. The presence
of that essential medieval component,
the hermit, also sets the tale well
before the Reformation. The absence
of Renaissance technology is also notable
if negative evidence: all three of Bacon's
diagnostics of the modern age are absent,
though only two could have a place in
the story: the compass and gunpowder
(there is no mention of the former,
and the crossbow was made obsolete by
early forms of the gun). More specifically,
the fact that the ship was the first
to enter the Pacific Ocean (l. 105)
places the voyage before Magellan's
1520 discovery. No reviewers or critics
objected to these historical references,
which remained unchanged in all editions,
with some added support from the gloss,
to be mentioned later.
Genre
The genre or sub-genre of
the poem is another and more theoretically
loaded way in which the Rime is presented
as older than it really is. In this
case we are dealing with the ballad,
an old-fashioned poetic sub-genre that
sets up mental associations with the
past in a way that is at once more pervasive
and yet less specific than those stimulated
by the reproduction of certain linguistic
forms or by historically meaningful
references. Just as the archaic language
is spread throughout the poem, so the
ballad form and ballad-like content
of the poem continue to feed into the
reader a sense of historical depth,
some pervasive sense of the almost mythic
power of ancient traditions and traditional
tales. [29]
This
was the first poem in the Lyrical
Ballads with a Few Other Poems of
1798. Most of the poems in this collection
imply an oral past, as is inherent in
both parts of the title. The oral past
evoked by the majority of the poems
in this volume is a relatively simply
conceived past-some event involving
speech that occurred in the past and
is now being related or repeated in
the poem. As James Treadwell has noted,
'dialogues are perhaps the most characteristic
feature of [the poems]'. [30]'The
Ancient Mariner' is, however, the only
piece in that collection to present
itself as the reproduction of an older
written tale, the older writing
being itself based upon some oral original
lost in time. In this sense, and when
combined with its metre and construction,
it conforms to present-day readers'
expectations of a ballad more than do
any of the other poems with which it
was first published. [31]
The
text type 'ballad' is defined as much
by what ballads are thought to be as
by what they really are. A historical
understanding of these verses includes
many pieces that would not now be seen
as typical ballads, and that is the
same of any present day collection that
claims to be comprehensive-the group,
text-type, or sub-genre is very eclectic.
By Coleridge's time, as now, one of
the word's two principal meanings for
most people was that of an old song
or rhyme dealing with a simple story
of adventure: long before the conception
of The Lyrical Ballads, Coleridge
himself used the term to refer to the
narrative songs his sister used to sing
to him and to those sung by professional
singers heard from his nurse's arms.
[32]
Traditional ballads were meant to be
the products of centuries of oral transmission,
unadulterated by fashions or printers.
At the same time, new ballads with up-to-date
social and political comment were popular,
and mostly associated with towns. Ballads
were the people's literature and could
be used in populist movements: Groom
provides an example of ballads being
used to 'rally a lynch mob' in 1756,
and comments that on the one hand the
incendiary possibilities of the urban
ballad added to the bad reputation of
the sub-genre, while on the other Percy's
intrusive editorialising of the ballad
in a way tamed the sub-genre, fixing
it as the matter of harmless antiquarian
interest. [33]
The
eighteenth century had seen a growing
interest in old and dialectal literature
and the publication of several ballad
collections. D'Urfey published his Old
English Ballads between 1723 and
1727, William Thomson produced his Orpheus
Caledonius (1725), and Ramsay his
The Evergreen (1724) and Tea
Table Miscellany (1724-34), while
Edward Capell published Prolusions
or, Select Pieces of Antient
Poetry in 1760 and John 'Don' Bowles
his Miscellaneous Pieces of Antient
English Poesie in 1764-but this
last seems to have been commercially
unsuccessful. Most influential was the
publication in 1765 of Bishop Percy's
three-volume Reliques of Ancient
English Poetry, which claimed to
reproduce the mediaeval and early ballads
he had come across by chance in a seventeenth-century
manuscript volume (plus some others),
but which in fact contained many silent
alterations and additions. That such
volumes and the poems they contained
had been popular is witnessed by the
fact that there was even a minor fashion
for fake ballads, which gave rise to
what Brett and Jones call 'the pseudo
ballad style of the eighteenth century'
(LB, xx). More generally, that
the old and remote was popular (and
money-generating) can be well enough
understood when we consider that as
early as the eighteenth century there
was a 'tendency to cloak new ballads
in an appearance of antiquity'. [34]
Coleridge lived in the age of Chatterton's
Rowley forgeries and of Macpherson's
Ossianic productions (1762-63), [35]
he himself wrote a 'spirited imitation
of Ossian's poetry' in a letter to his
friend Mary Evans, [36]
and expressed great admiration for the
works of both these literary impersonators.
These various works, then, were what
'ballads' meant to Coleridge's generation;
they were acknowledged by Wordsworth
to be, in some sense, inspirational,
[37]
and the links between the contents of
Percy's Reliques and 'The Ancient
Mariner' have been more than once noted
by present day scholars. [38]
Trevor Jones notes that traditional
ballads had started going out of fashion
in about 1790, though efforts such as
Joseph Ritson's work on Robin Hood
(1795), the continued production of
editions of Percy's Reliques
(a fourth edition came out in 1794),
and the enthusiasm for Scott's Minstrelsy
of the Scottish Border (1802-03),
and Lay of the Last Minstrel
(1805) indicate that fashion and popularity
may not have been the same thing. [39]
Published
collections of ballads, then, strongly
implied ancientness; but Coleridge shows
a 'rather persistent practice of giving
with one hand while taking away with
the other'. [40]
The second edition of this poem provided
a rewriting of the title: The Ancient
Mariner: A Poet's Reverie. Charles
Lamb hated this (LB, 277), finding
the distancing device of the subtitle,
(possibly intended to provide a device
to account for the poem's perceived
fragmentary quality) unnecessary and
demeaning to the timeless truths of
poem, and most critics (e.g. LB,
273) assume that the new title was somehow
Wordsworth's fault. [41]
As Lamb noted, it creates a very strange
status for the poem, which is now claimed
to be the rhyming rendition of some
sort of a dream featuring the words
of an ancient mariner, and which is
also a lyrical ballad. It is reverie,
rhyme, lyric and ballad: this is narrative
and generic over-specification on a
spectacular scale. It is also an unlikely
mixture (reverie does not mix well with
the public and verbal nature of ballad)
that undermines the fictional past of
the poem, situating the creative act
at any time in the past or present,
although the formal aspects of language
can still act as an archaising force
within the poem. This subtitle was removed
in 1802, or rather an attempt to remove
it was made, but due to a printer's
error it was left on the half-title
of the first page, so two different
titles are in fact found in the 1802
and 1805 editions. 1817 saw this corrected,
and the restoration of the full original
title, but in modern spelling.
A
related but rather different element
in the creation of time-depth is that
of anonymity. Ancient and traditional
literature is mostly anonymous from
accident or convention or, as for ballads,
due to origins in an oral tradition.
Since the Renaissance, authors wishing
to conceal their identity have generally
preferred the use of pseudonyms of varying
degrees of transparency. [42]
By Coleridge's time, even this disguise
was outmoded: in an article in the Friend
of 19 October 1809 he called his an
'age of personality' in which a 'real
name' is used in place of 'a bashful
Philalethes or Phileleuteros' on title
pages (BL, ch. II,
p. 23, n. 1). By his time,
complete anonymity was already associated
with texts from the early or pre-Renaissance
period.
Even
though anonymity was not conceived as
an essential part of the poem (up to
March of 1798 he was thinking of publishing
'The Ancient Mariner' under his own
name in a volume of his own poems),
it is has its part to play in the distancing
of the poem from the present of the
reader. What eventually happened, however,
was that not only was the poem published
together with those of Wordsworth, but
Coleridge absolutely insisted upon the
volume being anonymous, though not for
reasons in any way connected with archaism.
[43]
Wordsworth and Coleridge took pains
to ensure the anonymity of the Lyrical
Ballads. So worried were they that
their identities may be discerned by
attentive readers of the first edition
that they went so far as to stop the
press halfway through printing in order
to replace 'Lewti', which had previously
appeared under Coleridge's name, [44]
with 'The Nightingale', which had not
(see LB, viii).
Whatever
the reasons, the poem in its early printed
versions was genuinely anonymous, and
the main narrator was and remains for
all times, of course, a completely undatable
and unnamed 'ancient mariner'. Along
with its ballad form, the anonymity
of the first published version of 'The
Rime of the Ancient Mariner' may be
considered as playing a not insignificant
role in the creation of an illusion
of distant origins.
The
Surrounding Paraphernalia
The anonymity, while being
an archaising force, was in no way fraudulent.
There was no Chatterton- or Walpole-like
attempt to pass off the work as genuinely
old. [45]
In fact, those careful readers who looked
at the prefatory matter before turning
to the main text would find an (equally
anonymous) 'Advertisement' whose second
paragraph emphasises the novelty of
the poems in the volume by drawing attention
to the fact that they are 'experiments'
and by talking about the purpose behind
them and how they should be approached
by the readers. The penultimate sentence
of this 'Advertisement' draws attention
to the existence of an unnamed living
author and, specifically, to the artifice
of the archaisms in the poem, saying
that 'The Rime of the Ancyent Marinere
was professedly written in imitation
of the style, as well as of the
spirit of the elder poets'. [46]
The
'Advertisement'-which, Empson suggests,
may have itself been an archaising element
in the publication ('having an Argument
at all came to seem tiresomely olde-worlde')
[47]-was
included in the first two editions of
the Lyrical Ballads. Its role
in undermining the effects of archaisms
in 'The Ancient Mariner' is reinforced
in the second edition (1800) by the
Preface, which replaced the Advertisement
altogether from the third edition (1802)
onwards.
Far
more damaging to the illusion of anonymous
and timeless origins, however, are the
patronising and derogatory remarks that
Wordsworth made in the note added to
the poem in the 1800 edition, which
could hardly be ignored by any person
reading the poem:
I cannot refuse myself
the gratification of informing such
Readers as may have been pleased with
this Poem, or with any part of it, that
they owe their pleasure in some sort
to me; as the Author was himself very
desirous that it should be suppressed.
This wish had arisen from a consciousness
of the defects of the Poem [.] The Poem
of my Friend has indeed great defects;
[.] Yet the poem contains many delicate
touches of passion [.] beautiful images
[.] unusual felicity of language; and
the versification, though the metre
is itself unfit for long poems, is harmonious
and artfully varied. (LB, 276-77)
By now the readers
had been lead to believe that the poems
in the volume were, as the title page
of 1800 put it 'Lyrical Ballads,
by W. Wordsworth', and the Preface attributed
'The Rime of the Ancient Mariner' to
a 'friend'-though readers may, as Neil
Fraistat suggests, have read this as
pretence. [48]
Although
it might seem that the extraneous matter
written by Wordsworth is diminishing
some of the time-depth from Coleridge's
poem that anonymity would otherwise
give it, we should note that the Advertisement
was included with Coleridge's consent,
and that Coleridge himself, as we have
already seen with the addition of the
words 'a Reverie' to the title, and
as was his habit with many of his poems,
presents with his piece many puzzling
or contradictory elements in respect
of its origins. When, in 1817, the poem
was finally published under Coleridge's
own name, it was in the collection of
his works tellingly entitled Sibylline
Leaves. Although 'The Ancient Mariner'
remained, officially at any rate, anonymous
until 1817, much of the mystifying and
distancing effects of the ballad form
and of anonymity had been complicated
by the paraphernalia surrounding the
poem. Prior to the 1817 version, then,
it is to elements within the poem that
we must turn for explanation of its
effective evocation of past times.
There
is general agreement that the most important
rewriting 'The Ancient Mariner' underwent
was the addition, in the 1817 version,
of the gloss. The textual repercussions
of this are important, and its effect
on the subsequent history of interpretation
(or misinterpretation) of the poem has
been extremely powerful and enduring
and, according to some scholars (for
example, Frances Ferguson) regrettable.
Many others agree that the gloss is
a positive addition to the meaning of
the Mariner's tale or even to the meaning
of the text in its entirety. [49]
For our limited purposes, focusing on
archaisms, we find that, just as the
poem for the first time appears under
Coleridge's own name, the gloss opens
up a new layer of time. Not only does
its presence alter the visual aspect
of the text and recall 'the archetypal
glosses-those in the margins of early
printed editions of the Bible', [50]
but it also creates another illusory
level of pastness, a time after the
ancient traditional (oral) origins of
the ballad and its (late-medieval/early-Renaissance)
written version, and before the 1817
audience. There is now an intervening
(fictitious) editor, a hand that writes
descriptive and interpretive comments
in the margins.
This
hand has been seen as imitating a seventeenth-century
editor, with the imposition on earlier
chaos and superstition of a rational
ordering of events into an interpretable
moral system of crime, punishment, and
salvation. The model for this editing
activity is meant to be the gloss in
Purchas' Pilgrim, where the original
unordered travellers' tales are explained
and given meaning by the editor's comments,
though it is very possible that it was
not just Purchas Pilgrim, but
the appearance and issues raised by
a whole cluster of editions of old or
forged texts that inspired Coleridge
to add his gloss: other favourites of
Coleridge's include Chatterton's Rowley
poems, Percy's Reliques, and
Ossian's works, all of which were published
with much authenticating paraphernalia-in
the latter two cases in the form of
heavily annotated editions and 'cluttered'
pages. [51]
The
explanation that the gloss impersonates
a seventeenth-century editorial hand
is open to question, however, because
the language of the gloss can scarcely
be said to belong to that time. The
frequency of -th verbal endings
is too high for such a late date, as
are occasional features such as the
word fain, the exclamation lo!,
the expression ever and anon,
and the belief in the 'grace of the
holy mother'. Furthermore, the gloss
is typographically identical to the
footnote to lines 226-27 in which the
'voice' of the implied 'real' author
(that is, the Coleridge of the Sibylline
Leaves) talks about how the line
came to him during a delightful walk
with his friend Wordsworth. In fact,
typographically the whole poem belongs
to the age of enlightenment-as, one
may add, do the typically Sternean or
Swiftian paratextual games played with
the (earlier) Argument, the gloss, and
the footnotes. [52]
Conclusion
The words and spellings so
objected to by the first reviewers are
in many ways the least radical of Coleridge's
archaising devices in the poem. His
revisions to this layer of archaism
have been shown in this paper to involve
only a small proportion of the words,
and scarcely to affect the archaistic
tone of the poem at all. Subsequent
revisions to the printed versions can
be seen as having greatly enhanced the
archaism of the work, and concomitantly
to have increased both the fairy-tale
nature of the story and, perhaps more
importantly than this, to have pushed
back the implied moment of original
creation of the story to ever more distant
and irretrievable times in the past.
In
'The Rime of the Ancient Mariner', Coleridge
provides a strong contrast to poems
such as Wordsworth's 'Tintern Abbey',
in which the source of inspiration is
the overt subject of the poem, by implying
that, as with traditional oral literature,
dreams and reveries, and such scattered
utterances as the original sibylline
leaves, there is no known or knowable
source of the original story. Lawrence
Lipking has noted that 'the reader who
had turned to the first pages of
Lyrical Ballads [.] had been purposely
cast adrift. The Ancient Mariner
opens a book whose title is an oxymoron,
whose author is anonymous and whose
archaic language and actions, like Chatterton's,
seem to suggest a hoax'. [53]
The story claims to be traditional and
originally the matter of oral transmission
(the ballad form, the mariner-narrator)
before being recorded in writing by
some hand of the pre-Renaissance times
and then copied (at, perhaps, many removes)
by a Renaissance editor (post-1520),
and finally printed in up-to-date typography
in 1798, with an Argument and footnotes
in a late-eighteenth-century 'voice'.
Finally, however, the whole illusion
of a distant oral past and complicated
and unrecorded textual history is undermined
from the very first appearance of this
poem and through all its revisions by
internal anachronisms and especially
by the paraphernalia surrounding the
text (or the 'paratext', as Genette's
terms it) in the forms of the 'Advertisement'
(1798), the Preface (1800, 1802, 1805),
and Coleridge's footnote to lines 226-27.
The archaisms are an integral part of
the poem because its temporal and authorial
complexity is an essential part of its
language of 'significance [.] in sense
of association' (BL, ch. II,
p. 12), to ancient truths and mysteries.
The
issue of when a piece of literature
was first created is close to the issue
of inspiration, a question always of
profound interest to writers and scholars
alike. It gives rise to a multitude
of fictional framing devices and narrative
strategies, and can be seen as the fundamental
question of much critical activity,
theorising and textual bibliography.
It is the focus of much if not most
of both Wordsworth's and Coleridge's
literary explorations, both in poetry
and in prose. In their writings, we
see on the one hand an effort to identify
the source of creative urge and ability,
and on the other hand the need for it
to remain somehow mysterious: in their
conclusions, both Wordsworth and Coleridge
resort repeatedly to metaphors and references
to mystical entities. Tellingly, perhaps,
Wordsworth's entity is the 'more comprehensive
soul' of the material, historical, and
ultimately personal poet (1802 Preface;
LB, 255), whereas Coleridge's
lies in the multiform, ahistorical,
and impersonal reflections of 'the infinite
I AM' (BL,
ch. XVI,
p. 255). Placing the creative moment,
the locus of original genius, in an
inaccessible time, and using the ephemeral
nature of oral tradition to ensure that
it can only be inaccessible and impersonal,
the work becomes timeless, and timelessness
is akin to infinity. What truths the
poem embodies, then, are timeless and
perhaps infinite; this is what Coleridge
idealises as 'poem'. The disappearance
of the poet within the timelessness
of the poetic entity is all one with
his definition of the poem as the poet
(and vice versa) and the strong synthesising
tendencies that are found in his philosophical
system. At the same time, in creating
the illusion of a distant oral past,
and making sure that the readers know
it is an illusion, the poet has acquired
'the right and privilege of using time
and space as they exist in the imagination,
obedient only to the laws which the
imagination acts on'. [54]
Notes
1. Nick
Groom, The Making of Percy's 'Reliques' (Oxford:
OUP, 1999), p. 61.
2. John
Donne, 'Satyre III' ( c. 1593-97), ll. 72-73.
3. 'Preface'
to Lyrical Ballads: Wordsworth and Coleridge,
edd. R. L. Brett and A. R. Jones (London: Methuen,
1963), p. 249; S. T. Coleridge, Biographia
Literaria, ed. George Watson (1817; London: Dent,
1975), ch. XVI, p. 184. Subsequent references
are to these edns, and will be indicated by the abbreviations
LB and BL respectively.
4. Matthew
Scott, 'The Return to Poetics-A Review-Essay', Romanticism
on the Net 12 (Nov 1998), § 3.
Online: Internet (1 Dec 2002): <http://users.ox.ac.uk/~scat0385/scott.html>.
5. Namely,
those published in 1798, 1800, 1802, 1805, 1817, 1828,
1829, and 1834. Of the eighteen separate 'versions'
identified by Jack Stillinger, he admits that the printed
ones are 'more important than the rest'-Coleridge
and Textual Instability: The Multiple Versions of the
Major Poems (New York and Oxford: OUP, 1994), p. 61).
Steven Bygrave states that there were only six versions
published in Coleridge's lifetime, ignoring minor changes
to the 1828 and 1829 editions-Samuel Taylor Coleridge
(Plymouth: Northcote House and the British Council,
1997; Writers and their Works series), p. 1.
6. For
the sake of convenience, all line references to 'Rime
of the Ancient Mariner' are from E. H. Coleridge (ed.),
Coleridge: Poetical Works (Oxford: OUP, 1969).
7. E.
L. Epstein, Language and Style (London: Methuen,
1978), p. 5.
8. As,
indeed, all literary creations claiming to be other
than literary creations (e.g. epistolary/diary novels)
have to ensure that they are not confused with real
letters or diaries, and so on. To adapt George Steiner's
observation, 'we need to know a good deal more than
we do about the epistemological tactics whereby a [work
of literature] [.] divides itself from reality, yet,
if the [writer's] authority prove sufficient, will insinuate
into reality new possibilities of order and relation'-Extraterritorial:
Papers on Literature and the Language Revolution (Harmondsworth:
Penguin, 1972), p. 153.
9. In
his 'Dedicatory Epistle' to Ivanhoe, ed. W. M.
Parker (1830; London: Dent, 1959), pp. 17-21.
10.
Stillinger, p. 61 (my emphasis).
11.
To move from the vermicular to the serpentine, we
may note Coleridge's much-quoted statement that poetry
aims 'to make those events which in real or imagined History
move on a strait line, assume to our Understandings a
Circular motion-the Snake with its Tail in its Mouth'-quoted
in Zachary Leader, Revision and Romantic Authorship
(Oxford: OUP, 1996), p. 54.
12.
That is to say, his use of old forms of words and
expressions, and of an out-dated metre constitute the
bulk of his archaising, along with other, perhaps more
subtle effects of paratextual formal elements such as
titles, notes and the gloss of 1817 and later.
13. Mario
Praz, 'Introductory Essay' to Three Gothic Novels,
ed. Peter Fairclough (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1968), p. 16.
14. Leech,
A Linguistic Guide to English Poetry (Burnt Mill,
Harlow: Longman, 1969), pp. 13-14; Parker, Preface
to Ivanhoe, p. v.
15. William
Empson. 'The Rime of the Ancient Mariner', in Samuel
Taylor Coleridge's 'The Rime of the Ancient Mariner':
Modern Critical Interpretations, ed. Harold Bloom
(New York: Chelsea House, 1986), p. 1.
16. Leech,
p. 13.
17. David
Hartley (1707-57), English philosopher and physician,
whose Observations of Man (1749) introduced the
theory of 'psychological associationism'. Hartley's ideas
were fascinating to Coleridge for a few years (to the
extent that Coleridge named his son Ernest Hartley, after
him), especially at the time of the 1798 Lyrical Ballads.
However, Coleridge moved away from Hartleian explanations,
which he later perceived as too mechanistic soon after
the Lyrical Ballads were published. See David Miall,
'I See It Feelingly', in Coleridge's Visionary Languages:
Essays in Honour of J. B. Beer, edd. Tim Fulford
and Morton Paley (Cambridge: D. S. Brewer, 1993), p. 153.
18.
Any period that employs spellings such as emerauld,
auncyent, yeven, and Marinere would
definitely display much more frequent use of 'excrescent'
final e and many other spellings not represented
in the poem, and, most importantly, would demonstrate
an irregular orthographic system, whereas in the present
case there is great consistency in all spellings. In addition,
in the poem we find that all second-person verbs terminate
with the old -st endings whereas use of third-person
-th is variable, which did not occur in the development
of the modern inflexional morphology; on the contrary,
-st was lost earlier than -th, and so texts
in the intermediate period demonstrate a variable presence
of the second-person ending while continuing to use the
-th spelling consistently for third-person singular
verbs. At the same time, the extensive use of periphrastic
do belongs to a period later than that of the regular
-st and -th verbal endings.
19. Empson,
p. 23; Bygrave, p. 18. However, Richard Holmes speaks
of the 'resonant archaisms of the Mariner'-Coleridge's
Early Visions (London: Penguin, 1989), p. 170.
20.
In the Critical Review, vol. 27; quoted in LB, 318.
21. In
the British Critic, vol. 11; quoted in LB, 324.
22. See,
e.g., M. H. Abrams's discussion in his essay on Wordsworth
and Coleridge's diction, and especially his explanation
that for Coleridge, '[t]he supreme imaginative passages-the
poetry of a poem-are no longer regarded as the disposition
and adjustment of words [.] They are regarded as acts
of the mind in which the universe of sense is created
anew and made into a whole compounded of subject and object
("the idea, with the image"), by a process blending both
"the natural and the artificial". And the unity [.] becomes
in "poetry" a unity by organic synthesis, in which the
parts lose their identity by the nature of their relation
to the other parts and to the whole'-The Correspondent
Breeze: Essays on English Romanticism (New York: W. W.
Norton and Co., 1984), p. 16.
23.
See, e.g., Alun Jones and William Tydeman, Coleridge,
'The Ancient Mariner' and Other Poems: A Casebook (Houndmills:
Macmillan, 1973), p. 15; Leader, p. 122.
24.
Brett and Jones, while noting in their Introduction
that 'the archaic spellings were all changed' (LB,
xlii), state in their note that Coleridge made changes
'towards the removal of archaisms of vocabulary,
spelling, and of quaintness of style' (LB, 274;
my emphasis).
25.
A longer list of such excisions can be obtained
from Stillinger, p. 63.
26.
Thee, thou and -st verbal endings,
although still a part of some speakers' spoken dialect
at this period, were not a part of Coleridge's; nor were
-th spellings a usual part of his written habits,
as his notebooks show (there is only one instance of a
-th ending in the notebooks covering this period,
and it is crossed out and altered in STC's hand. See The
Notebooks of Samuel Taylor Coleridge, ed. Kathleen
Coburn (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1957),
vol. 1: 1794-1804; entry 1.4: ' I will show thou
you the card'.
27.
Though 'wel-a-day' (l. 139) was respelled as
'well-a-day' in 1802 and all subsequent printed versions.
28.
MS corrections and additions attributed to STC and
the gloss of 1817 and subsequent editions show no great
effort to avoid these sorts of archaism after the first
list of corrections for the 1800 edition. There is, for
instance, the case of the archaic (or possibly dialect)
form clomb (l. 209) which appears (as clombe)
in 1798 and 1800 and remains (respelled 'clomb') in the
subsequent versions, including a MS a in spite of substantial
rewriting of the three stanzas surrounding it. The OED
notes that 'From Spenser and his contemporaries clomb
passed into later poetry, and occasionally appears in
prose, especially in writers familiar with the strong
clam, clom or clum in dialect use.
29.
At the same time, the use of old-fashioned language
and references to the past in an equally old-fashioned
sub-genre is just the sort of decorum that Coleridge required
of 'legitimate' poetry-i.e. poetry in which the parts
'mutually support and explain each other' (BL,
ch. XIV, p. 172).
30.
'Innovation and Strangeness; or, Dialogue and Monologue
in the 1798 Lyrical Ballads', Romanticism on
the Net 9 (Feb 1998), § 4. Online: Internet (1 Dec
2002): <http://users.ox.ac.uk/~scat0385/innovationsLB.html>.
31.
Dani Zweig, Early Child Ballads, § 4. Online: Internet (1 Dec 2002): <http://www.pbm.com/~lindah/ballads/
early_child>. 'Love', Ellen Irwin',
and 'Lucy Gray', are the other poems that have ballad-like
qualities in metre, and/or subject matter, but only 'The
Ancient Mariner' demonstrates a combination of what has
become known as ballad metre, subject matter, construction,
and features of old writing. See also LB, xxiv-xxv.
32.
See Holmes, pp. 6 and 172.
33.
See Groom, pp. 24 and 41. By the eighteenth century,
the ballad already had a poor reputation in canonical
terms, the term ballad being 'half-pejorative, signifying
a verse that could not sing for itself but needed to be
carried by a tune' (Groom, p. 22). The contents of
even non-political ballads were scarcely to the taste
of the opinion-makers, either, being mostly 'eating, drinking,
fornicating, singing, and killing' (p. 59).
34.
Zweig, § 11.
35.
Only one Rowley work was published in Chatterton's
lifetime (in 1769), the forgeries were revealed in 1777
and 1778 and editions of the poems of 'Thomas Rowley'
published in 1778 and 1782.
36.
Holmes, p. 46.
37.
'I do not think that there is an able writer
in verse of the present day who would not be proud
to acknowledge his obligations to the Reliques;
I know that it is so with my friends; and for myself
I am happy on this occasion to make a public avowal
of my own'-quoted in The Cambridge History of English
and American Literature, 18 vols (1907-21), vol.
10: The Age of Johnson, 'The Literary Influence of
the Middle Ages'. Online: Internet (1 Dec 2002): <http://www.cf.ac.uk/bartleby.com/220/1014.html>.
38.
See e.g. Bloom (ed.), p. 1; Jones and Tydeman,
p. 13.
39.
See Trevor Jones, Street Literature in Birmingham:
A History of Broadside and Chapbook (Oxford: Oxford
Polytechnic, 1970), p. 9. Scott's Last Minstrel sold
44,000 copies in twenty-five years, thus placing itself
in S. H. Steinberg's list of best-sellers-see Five
Hundred Years of Printing (1955;
3rd edn, Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1974), p. 343.
40.
Frances Ferguson, 'Coleridge and the Deluded Reader:
The Rime of the Ancient Mariner', in Bloom (ed.),
p. 67.
41.
If so, then he may have changed his mind. The deletion
of the subtitle in the marked copy of 1800 that was used
by the printer of 1802 is 'perhaps by Wordsworth'-Stillinger,
p. 64.
42.
Gérard Genette, Paratexts: Thresholds of Interpretation,
trans. Jane Lewin (Cambridge: CUP, 1997), p. 39.
43.
'Wordsworth's name is nothing-to a large number
of persons mine stinks' (quoted in Holmes, p. 188).
44.
In The Morning Post of 13 April 1798.
45.
Walpole's Castle of Otranto (1765) claimed
to be a story found, in a black-letter printed text of
1529, 'in the library of an ancient catholic family in
the north of England'-'Preface to The First Edition',
in Three Gothic Novels, ed. Fairclough,
p. 39.
46.
LB, 8 (original emphasis).
47.
Empson, p. 24.
48.
The Poem and the Book: Interpreting Collections
of Romantic Poetry (Chapel Hill: University of North
Carolina Press, 1985), p. 52. One must be careful,
nevertheless, not to blame Wordsworth more than he deserves:
Coleridge took on the editing of the second edition of
the Lyrical Ballads and, one assumes, could have
added his name to the title page had he so wished, and
removed or insisted on alteration to Wordsworth's note.
Throughout the period of this editing Coleridge was the
dominant part of the friendship, being full of energy
while Wordsworth was slightly depressed and lacking in
energy. The issue of Wordsworth's and Coleridge's responsibility
for the text as promoted by the Preface is discussed in
Genette, p. 184, who says that Coleridge was 'strenuously
shoved aside by his distinguished colleague' in the Preface,
a view to which many scholars are pleased to subscribe,
but which is probably somewhat misleading, as the situation
seems to have been more complex.
49.
Stillinger, p. 72, provides a brief overview
of the major critical assessments of the gloss.
50.
Ferguson, p. 66. 
51.
See Groom, pp. 78-79, and 147.
52.
Coleridge's enjoyment in this sort of subterfuge is also
found in his anonymous poem in the Morning Post,
gleefully referred to and reproduced in BL (ch. I,
p. 15, n. 1) as a satire of the Rime of the
Ancient Mariner, but in fact originally published
in imitation of Pye-see Leader, p. 123. This playfulness
is also manifested in the fake letter written to himself
in BL, urging him to stop his philosophical review
(ch. XIII, pp. 164-65).
53.
'The Marginal Gloss', in Bloom (ed.), p. 77 (my emphasis).
54.
Elliott B. Gose, jun., who ascribes this to Biographia
Literaria, referring perhaps to STC's definition of
Fancy as 'a mode of memory emancipated from the order
of time and space' (ch. XIII, p. 167)-see 'Coleridge
and the Luminous Gloom: An Analysis of the "Symbolical
Language" in The Rime of the Ancient Mariner',
in Bloom (ed.), p. 7.
Copyright
Information
This article is copyright ©
2002 Centre for Editorial and Intertextual Research,
and is the result of the independent labour
of the scholar or scholars credited with authorship. The
material contained in this document may be freely
distributed, as long as the origin of information
used has been properly credited in the appropriate
manner (e.g. through bibliographic citation,
etc.).
An earlier version
of this paper was published in Re-Writing
in/and English Literature: Proceedings of the
22nd All-Turkey English Literature Conference
(Konya, Turkey: Selcuk University, 2001). The
author is grateful to Professor Robert Miles
for his illuminating and helpful comments, which
were of substantial aid in the preparation of
this essay in its final form.
Referring
to this Article
M. J.-M. SONMEZ. 'Archaisms in "The Rime of
the Ancient Mariner" ', Cardiff Corvey:
Reading the Romantic Text 9 (Dec 2002).
Online: Internet (date accessed): <http://www.cf.ac.uk/encap/romtext/articles/cc09_n02.html>.
Contributor
Details
Margaret Sonmez (MA Oxford, PhD Dunelm) is Senior
Lecturer in the Department of Foreign Language
Education at the Middle East Technical University
of Turkey. She has published a number of articles
on both linguistics and literature, including
seventeenth-century English orthography and
discourse markers, as well as on the literature
of Joseph Conrad and John Fowles.

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