and the Pressures of Publication in the Early Ninteenth Century
'An acknowledged novel-writer is, perhaps,
one of the most difficult names to support with credit and
Preface to Sherwood Forest (1804).
The early nineteenth century saw a 'sharply
rising demand for cheap print, associated with increases in
population and literacy which occurred all over Europe.'  Changing
attitudes in all areas of life after the French Revolution created
a new climate in which fiction could flourish. The reasons for
this influx of literature and subsequent growth of the industry
as a whole are complex and have been carefully studied by scholars
such as Richard D. Altick, Maurice Couturier and Philip Gaskell.
The study of bibliography necessarily focuses on these times
of great change.
There is one
area, however, which only ever merits a couple of paragraphs
in any study of the publishing industry and its authors. Many
authors have felt the need to publish their works anonymously
and pseudonymously, but there is little or no primary evidence
or documentation as to their reasons. This is particularly true
of the beginning of the nineteenth century, which was a time
when the novel was still seen as a lower art, if indeed it merited
the title of art form at all. Mary Ann Hanway refers to 'all
the crude indigestible trash, that load the shelves of the circulating
libraries' in her preface to Falconbridge Abbey (1809).
The 'Advertisement' in Maria Edgeworth's Belinda further
shows the reticence of society to accept the fictional literature
being produced at the time:
The following work is offered to the public
as a Moral Talethe author not wishing to acknowledge
a Novel. Were all novels like those of Madame de Crousax,
Mrs. Inchbald, Miss Burney, or Dr. Moore, she would adopt
the name of novel with delight: But so much folly, errour,
and vice are disseminated in books classed under this denomination,
that it is hoped the wish to assume another title will be
attributed to feelings that are laudable […] [3
Many authors avoided stating their ownership
of a work because they were not as celebrated or respected as
Edgeworth and thus were unable to defend their works. Couturier
cites Adrien Baillet, and Halkett and Laing who compiled dictionaries
of anonymous and pseudonymous titles. 
Although their texts were published in 1690 and 1882-84 respectively,
they do put forward some interesting reasons for anonymous and
pseudonymous publication which back up some of the ideas that
will be discussed here. Baillet's foremost reasons are:
of Antiquity', 'prudence'
of disgrace and penalties', 'the shame
at producing or publishing something which would be unworthy
of one's rank or profession', 'the intention
the minds on a subject which might seem new', 'the fantasy
of hiding one's low birth or rank', and 'the desire
to hide a name which might not ring well. [5
For Halkett and Laing the main reasons are
'diffidence', 'fear of consequences', and 'shame'. 
These reasons all assume that the author had full control over
whether or not their names were inserted onto a title page.
But it would seem that publishers had their own ideas. It was
the case that authors often had the choice taken out of their
hands by publishers. In studying the Corvey collection of novels
it becomes clear that there were more reasons for authors remaining
anonymous than a simple reluctance to put a name to a form that
was 'supposed to be intellectually undemanding […] actually
distracting from more "solid" and "improving reading matter .
whole range of personal and professional reasons come into play
which show an addition to the problems already faced by a nineteenth
The Title Page: A Publisher’s
Why should an author's name not appear on the title page
in any form, but appear in a preface, dedication or advertisement?
Why should authors wish to conceal their identity from their
readers? Was it the publishing industry who prevented them?
The small amount of direct evidence available itself creates
more questions and shows the complexity of this burgeoning nineteenth-century
industry. I wish to look at the patterns of anonymous ascription
of novels in the period 1800 to 1809 inclusive, focusing on
the novels contained within the Corvey collection. I am particularly
interested in those texts with prefaces, dedications, subscription
lists and advertisements which add to the information about
the author found on the title page.
Corvey collection provides some good examples from which reasons
for anonymous publication can be speculated upon. From 1800
to 1809 inclusive there are five hundred and twelve novels contained
in the Corvey collection. In this essay I also refer to texts
included in the forthcoming The English Novel, 1770-1829:
A Bibliographical Survey of Fiction Published in the British
Isles; which gives a total of 770 novels for this decade,
including those in Corvey. 
The total novels from which the sample is taken is thus 770.
Brief attention to title pages quickly attests to the fact that
many of the authors in this period wrote totally anonymously
and many more chose to write under pseudonyms. Of these 770
novels, some forty-three have details of the author's identity
additional to that found on the title page. These particular
examples have been chosen because the title page admits no or
only limited detail on the author, but either a fuller version
of the author's name (nineteen instances), initials (eleven
instances), or an indication of gender (thirteen instances)
appear in another location in the text. These are three of the
four main patterns which can be found in this samplethe
fourth will be discussed later. Other interesting and significant
tendencies are those of pseudonymously published titles, about
which there is no room to discuss here; and the tendency to
exclude a name but have 'by the author of …' or variants
thereof on the title page (of which, within the limited sample
of forty-three alone there are fifteen instances).
In the example
of The Castles of Marsange & Nuger; or, the Novitiate
de Rousillon, the only clue on the title page is that the
novel is 'By a Lady'. 
Yet at the end of the dedication the author or translator signs
her full name: 'I am, madam, / With all dutiful respect, / Your
Ladyship's / Most devoted and obedient servant, / HENRIETTA
MARIA YOUNG. / FAVERSHAM, Sept. 1809.' This is an example
of the first pattern: little or no information on the title page,
but the full name of the author placed in a dedication. In 1800
E. M. Foster's novel Emily of Lucerne was published. 
The title page reads as follows: A Novel. In Two Volumes.
By the Author of The Duke of Clarence. The only indication
of the identity of the author is in the previously published
title, but in the dedication in the second volume, Mrs Foster
signs herself 'E.M.F':
To her Royal Highness The Princess Of Wales.
Madam, As the Desire I feel of publicly avowing the Respect
and Esteem I entertain for your Character is the only Motive
which actuates me in dedicating this little work to your Highness,
permit me to indulge the pleasing Hope that you will not disdain
the Liberty I have taken.
With unfeigned Respect,
Your Royal Highness's
Most obedient humble servant,
E. M. F.
This is an example of the second pattern. Here
there is no detail on the title page as to the author, but the
dedication is signed with initials. There are eleven instances
of this in the sample.
did not wish to be totally anonymous, yet for various reasons
their names did not appear fully on the title page. The third
pattern is a variation on the other two, where the author is
not named on the title page but a preface or dedication indicates
the author's gender. For example, Adonia, A Desultory Story
indicates no author on the title page, but the dedication is
signed by 'The Authoress'. 
These three patterns produce many questions about the conventions
of the publishing industry and the status of the author in the
Foster's dedication in Emily of Lucerne is a typical
example, offering humble wishes for a 'little work'. Here the
author has no problems with putting her initials at the end
of the dedication. From the dedication it would appear that
she is seeking the support of a respected member of the royal
class to protect her work. It was the custom of the time to
seek such support, since this lent authority to the work and
provided some refuge from censorship. 
Elizabeth Villa-Real Gooch appears on the title page of Sherwood
Forest as Mrs. Villa-Real Gooch.  She
signed her full name to the dedication, addressed to 'James
Wardell, Esq. Wine merchant, Pall Mall', again obviously feeling
that it was safe and respectable to do so: 'With every sentiment
of gratitude of which the feeling mind is susceptible, I subscribe
myself, / Dear Sir, / Your truly devoted humble Servant, / Elizabeth
Sarah Villa-Real Gooch. / King Street, Hammersmith, April
12th. 1804.' Gooch wrote, 'I have never yet ventured upon the
fashionable mode of dedication'hence, at this time dedications
were the custom, and patronage was eagerly sought after. Gooch
obviously felt there was something extra to be gained by dedicating
her novel to this successful wine merchant, even though her
work had previously been well received without the need for
such support. It was a particularly winning formula to enlist
a patron if one was a female writer. Education and literacy
was still seen as a male privilege, and novel-writing generally
disdained. Feminine modesty, delicacy and respectability was
very important at the time. Mary Tuck's name only appears in
small type in the imprint on the title page of her 1804 gothic
novel Durston Castle; and it is not declared that she
is the author, merely that it was printed for 'M. Tuck', the
proprietor of the 'Circulating-Library near the Adam and Eve,
Despite this she signs her full name to the 'Address' to Lady
Crespigny, a respected patron of the time. Under this guise
she can reveal herself: 'I have the honour to be, / GENTLEMEN
and LADIES, / Your much obliged and / grateful servant, / MARY
TUCK. / Circulating-Library, near the / Adam and Eve, Peckham.'
All these authors
found patronage vital due to the fact that it gave a measure
of protection to their work. A person respected enough in society
to be approached as a patron would not, it was assumed, put
their name to an unworthy piece of work; hence, these novels
would have something in their favour before the reviewers had
even looked at them. If for any reason, the author's name did
not to appear on the title page, the dedications, addresses,
and so forth gave them an opportunity to ensure that their name
could appear somewhere within the text itself.
Authors were influenced by all the people around them, from
family and friends to the publishers and booksellers with whom
they dealt. In
the first place it is important to understand some of the conventions
of the industry at the time, which acts as a background to the
publishing history of all these texts. Publishers wielded a
great deal of power at the time, and our contemporary cult of
the author was not established. Laws were only just granting
basic authorial rights. In 1774 the House of Lords decided that
after twenty-eight years copyright fell into the public domain.
It was not until 1814 that this was modified to twenty-eight
years or the life of the author. From 1800 to the middle of
the century, outright sale of copyright was the most popular
method for authors, who were often poor. 'When an author sold
his copyright to a publisher he had no further rights in or
control over his work, although publishers sometimes paid a
bonus if a book proved unexpectedly successful.' 
Therefore publishers saw the work as their own and as such felt
no obligation to place the author's name on the title page.
It was not traditional practice to do so, and the title page
belonged to the publisher whether or not they owned the rights.
In addition, if a book had not been sold outright, 'booksellers
were often all too pleased to publish books anonymously; while
seemingly protecting the authors against censorship and the
snooping public, they could claim the books as their property.'
Encyclopédie of 1778 explores anonymity, saying, 'any
writer who, out of shyness, modesty or scorn for glory, refuses
to attract notice at the beginning of his work deserves to be
commended' but also points out that 'readers are often too favourably
biased towards anonymous works, and that some writers have artificially
tried to promote the sale of their books by publishing anonymously.'
Publishers as well as writers used this trick. It was not always
modesty or fear of censorship which inclined an author towards
placed a lot of information relating to themselves and the book
on the title page in the form of an imprint. The following imprint
is from the anonymous The Mysterious Protector, and is
an example of the second pattern: 'LONDON: / PRINTED
FOR GEORGE ROBINSON, / 25, PATERNOSTER-ROW. / 1805.'  There
is no name on the title page at all, but there is a dedication
signed 'M. C.'. Despite all the information contained in the
title page regarding the publisher, there is neither an author's
name nor a list of previous titles. The names on the title page
belong to the publisher and Lady Crespigny, to whom the dedication
is addressed, the latter especially implying that such details
were clearly felt to be more important in creating status for
The imprint gave
the name of the publisher/printer, and usually the date and/or
place of publication. As yet the authors name was not an essential
feature. Authors could include their names by putting them at
the end of dedications, introductions, messages 'To the Public'
and suchlike. If the publishers would not place their names
on the title pages, authors still had the power to get them
put in under these guises. This was especially true if a book
contained a dedication to a famous and respectable person, as
it would increase the likelihood of the book's being well received,
and would as such be happily included by a publisher. Quite
often, however, there is no explanation of why a name is left
out totally or only appears as initials in a preface. These
constrictions placed on an author are therefore difficult to
prove from the primary evidence available. Generally we cannot
tell if there was just simple publisher error or the publishing
house's convention was at work in suppressing the name from
the title page. The Corvey collection of texts here falls silentnone
of the prefaces contain explanations of problems encountered
with publishers, presumably because this would not help them
in trying to get a book in print! In the dedication to Falconbridge
Abbey, Mary Ann Hanway states: 'I now offer to the Public, with all an
author's hopes, an author's fears. I am therefore most anxious
to procure for it the support and patronage of a Gentleman.'
Hanway is another example of the fourth major pattern to be
discussed later, her name appearing as 'Mrs. Hanway' on the
title page and her full name in the dedication. It is the fact
that patrons were so sought after that is one of the sole indications
that authors did not or could not turn to publishing houses
in support of their names. Most dedications and prefaces show
something of this anxiety in an industry still dominated by
the rule of the publishing trade. Although patrons would often
give some financiad al support as well as lending their good
name to the book, it was the aspect of protection that made
the system of patronage so essential to the industry and the
author. The anonymous Farther Excursions of the Observant
Pedestrian, published in 1801, has an 'Introductory' which
states 'without the incitement of a name, or patron to establish
his celebrity', the earlier Observant Pedestrian (1795)
enjoyed unexpected success. 
While a patron was not essential, it was clearly a well established
feature of successful publication, and a guarantee that the
author's name would appear, if so desired.
In the preface
to Falconbridge Abbey, Hanway remarks '[she] boldly ventured
to launch my little skiff on the tremendous ocean of criticism
[…] those sunken rocks, denominated the Reviewers!' Reviewers
in journals such as the Critical Review were greatly
feared, their word being relied on as a guide to suitable reading
matter. Not putting a name to the work meant that one could
hide gender, class and family associations which might colour
a reviewer's judgement. Most reviewers were male, and there
was a 'notorious critical double standard' with regard to female
women novelists. 
The aforementioned anonymous author of the Pedestrian was
taken for a man's work and praised it as such: 'but how will
they be surprised to learn, that the subject is the sole effusions
of a female pen'. This carefully emphasised 'female' and the
general tone shows an author amused at the tyranny of men (and
especially that of the reviewers) being somehow violated, but
also indicates that she would have not expected such a favourable
reception were she to declare herself fully. Authors used every
trick in their power to protect and promote their books, and
if the easiest way was to remain anonymous, it could prove well
a deliberate ploy could be perpetrated and used by publishers
as well as authors. The use of a name or title similar to an
already successful one could confuse the trade and the public
into buying a work. For example, the Corvey collection contains
A Winter In Bath and A Winter At Bath, both published
in 1807. 
Both have been attributed to Mrs E. G. Bayfield, actually the
author of A Winter At Bath only. The first title was
published anonymously, and the second edition contains a statement
complaining that the title of A Winter At Bath was changed
'with a view to profit by the popularity of their Novel'. This
was done 'without her [Mrs. Bayfield's] knowledge and consent'
by J. F. Hughes, the publisher. Clearly publishers were not
averse to playing games to sell books, as is still done today
with pseudonyms that fit next to famous authors on bookshop
shelves, and other ploys. This is an example of publisher's
intervention rather than authorial choice in the use of anonymity.
It is also possible that different types of books were sold
anonymously or pseudonymously to try out a new type of plot
or genre without the risk of destroying an established author's
name. For example, Mrs Meeke published eight novels as 'Gabrielli',
and 'On the whole […] the novels written under the name
of Gabrielli tend to be more daring and lavish in their settings
than those published under Mary Meeke's own name'. 
Anonymity could allow an already established writer a new freedom
to try 'daring' plots and experiment with other features.
A Society of Rules
There were also personal and family reasons why an author may
want to remain anonymous. As well as the opinions of reviewers,
authors had to face the reactions of their own families to their
work. If there was anything trashy or radical about their work
they would be happy to hide their authorship. Male relatives
especially would still look down on the genre, more so if the
author was a woman. The profession was not very respectable
one yet, and even if publishers were often gentlemen, authors
still had a more precarious existence. It may be that writing
novels was below their class, or prevented by modesty. Titled
persons could be published under shortened names, such as the
Comtesse Stéphanie-Félicité de Genlis, whose works were published
in English translations under 'Madame de Genlis'. The genre
was not respectable enough to be written by a titled lady. Dedications
sometimes name no author, but do name a family member as a sort
of guarantee of good reception, like using a patron. Authors
often simply didn't look for fame. For many it would not have
been of the right sort at all, the status of the novel still
being what it was. It was still considered indelicate to write
'mere' fiction. Fanny Burney's diaries record her thoughts on
her success, and any 'congratulations on her achievement she
regarded as a most shocking display of coarseness'. 
It was still the case that 'very often authorship was an open
secret, but it was supposed to remain unacknowledged nevertheless'. 
In general, authors seemed to feel that it was best to be cautious
and not declare authorship if there was any reason for doubt.
The enigma of
anonymity may also have been a factor in anonymous publication.
Richardson enjoyed the privilege of mystery and romance surrounding
his epistolary novels, until forced by pirates to declare his
ownership. 'Not only did anonymity boost the authenticity of
the manuscripts found and their realistic effect, but it guaranteed
the inaccessibility and semi-godlike status of the author.' 
Richardson also wrote anonymously because at this time narrative
devices were still in their infancy: as Couturier notes, '[i]n
the eighteenth century, one was evidently too close to the oral
era when the storyteller was often both the author and the narrator
of the story. It would have been self-defeating, it seems, for
a novelist to sign his work when that work was supposed to be
written by a narrator or a set of characters.' 
It was also the case that first-person narratives were still
understood to narrate actual events pertaining to the author.
None of the title pages of Tristram Shandy include the
name of the author. This was partly because Sterne was a minister
and as such 'might have hesitated to sign such a risky novel
[…] but above all because Tristram Shandy, like Moll
Flanders, was written in the first person by the eponymous
Authors may have enjoyed the benefits of anonymity and also
understood to a certain extent the constraints posed by these
With the novel
gaining in popularity it was becoming more acceptable to be
an author, and thus more names appeared on title pages. Publishers
had great power in this area and there were many reasons why
they would not print the author's name on the title page. But
authors themselves were still often reluctant to declare themselves,
and placed their names in initial form in a preface or dedication.
The examples from Corvey show that there was still no consensus
within the industry and no standard. Authors and publishers
followed the rules of society rather than bibliographical convention
in this area, and left little or no explanation for decisions
regarding these patterns. In the main part, a lack of authorial
power hindered the development of the title page as we know
it, which will always contain a name.
The fourth major pattern related to anonymous publication discovered
within the Corvey collection foregrounds the role of gender.
Out of the forty-three texts fitting into the categories already
explained, sixteen title pages form a subset, each text containing
exactly the same form of authorial inscription. The author's
name appears on the title page as 'Mrs. .', 'Miss .', and once
only 'Madame .': for example, in Falconbridge Abbey;
there is, however, more information (either initials, full name
or indication of gender) in prefaces, dedications, and the like.
Hanway is a perfect example of this last category; appearing
as 'Mrs. Hanway' on the title page of Falconbridge Abbey,
she subscribes her full name to the novel's dedication: 'SIR,
/ Your obliged Friend, / And obedient Servant, / MARY ANN HANWAY.
/ Blackheath, / December 15, 1808.' The reasons
for the large proportion of these forms of title page are specifically
linked to the female gender of the author, and thus refer to
the role of women in nineteenth-century society.
The use of the
married name on the title page in itself is fairly unremarkable.
Authors were gaining more rights and as such there were steadily
more names appearing on the title pages. This form could have
been purely the correct mode of address tacitly agreed on in
the industry. Women were becoming more educated and the newly
leisured middle class woman had time to spare for this activity
of reading novels. Novels were seen as a suitable diversion
for a woman, but they were not taken seriously. Gary Kelly tells
us, 'Women were supposed to be the main producers and consumers
of fiction, and fiction was supposed to be intellectually undemanding
(therefore, it was supposed, fit for women's lesser intellectual
In her preface to The Irish Guardian, Anna Maria Mackenzie
notes that '[t]he Author perceives she cannot conclude without
paying a feeble tribute of praise to those male writers, who
have thought it no degradation of their dignity […] to
[…] improve and amuse in the form of a novel.' 
The novel was still thought of as a trivial amusement for ladies,
and an improper profession: Mackenzie further states that literature
'cannot be the business of a woman's life, and it ought not
to be'. Writers such as Elizabeth Gaskell 'supported the view
that writing must take place only after familial responsibilities
had been fulfilled.' 
It was often the case that the occupations of governess and
schoolteacher were the only ones available to women, so some
turned to writing to support themselves. For example, Mary Tuck
in the 'Address' to Durston Castle asks her reader to
'view me struggling with a variety of disappointments, employing
my pen to preserve a young family from immediate distress'.
The fact that Tuck has almost to apologise for her circumstances
and occupation as proprietor of a ciculating library and a writer,
shows that this profession was still not considered socially
acceptable, hence the use of a respectable married name or total
anonymity on the title page.
It seems that
the women writers of the period were indeed looking for some
recognition of their achievements, for
in all of the sixteen instances of the name appearing as 'Mrs',
'Miss', or 'Madame' on the title page, the full name or initials
appears elsewhere. These women quite clearly wanted to be recognised
and heard, and they used all the methods outlined above to be
fully identified. In prefaces and dedications they allied themselves
with powerful, often female patrons and signed their names with
pride. As Mary Tuck says in her previously quoted dedication
to Durston Castle, it is an honour to be a writer patronised
and respected: 'I have the honour to be, / GENTLEMEN and
LADIES, / Your much obliged and / grateful servant, / MARY TUCK.
/ Circulating-Library, near the / Adam and Eve, Peckham.'
Women continued to display their married names on title pages,
however, as an extra measure of protection: 'You know how women
writers are looked down upon. The women fear and hate, the men
ridicule and dislike them'. 
Female writers had to be careful not to step outside the strict
bounds of propriety, and as quoted before, 'very often authorship
was an open secret, but it was supposed to remain unacknowledged
Women lived by an intricate set of rules, and were absolved
of the necessity to think and decide for themselves. Literary
ambition was considered indelicate, as described earlier in
the case of Fanny Burney whose diary detailed her shock at mention
in public of her achievements. Literary ambition in a woman
was regarded as an impertinence and led to terrible scourgings.
It was considered indelicate for a woman to write her name on
the title pagea taboo which was carefully observed, although
sometimes we find that a signed preface is not considered inconsistent
with a title page that admits nothing. Such a fact has some
significance in light of the Corvey collection, but it seems
in truth that a married name was acceptable in this decade,
while a full name still considered too forward a declaration
of authorship for a woman.
Many title pages
in fact admitted no name, but gave a clear indication as to
the origins of the text. The sample of only forty-three novels
studied here includes fifteen instances from 1800-09 where the
novel has 'by the author of .' on the title page. This convention
seemingly suited the publishers' aims as well as the authors,
and of these fifteen, ten texts have other information regarding
the author's identity elsewhere in the book, in the form of
prefaces, dedications, etc: see, for instance, the title page
of Woman: Or, Ida of Athens (illustrated). While in this
example the name 'Miss Owenson' appears, it was often the case
that there would be no name on the page. 
Owenson signs her dedication to this novel with her full name,
Sydney Owenson, and is a variant of the 'Mrs' pattern. It seems
that a list of her previous acheivements on the title page was
more important than her full name as the author.
The use of the
marital name reinforces the patriarchal line of descentthe
woman is defined in relation to her husband: 'women were constructed
not as independent but as relational beings, therefore the individual
ethos was problematic'. 
Marriage at the time was still very much a set of rigid constrictions
placed on a woman: 'the very being or legal existence of the
woman is suspended during marriage, or at least is incorporated
and consolidated into that of the husband'. 
Did these women want to break away from this to a certain extent,
to find their own identity and their own sphere of discourse?
They seemed to find a channel in the 'novels of manners, sentiment
and social emulation' while men wrote 'novels of ideas' or philosophical
Novel writing gave women a certain amount of power, 'women could
participate in public life and national issues under the guise
of writing "mere" fiction', and there was an overlap in the
issues covered in books by female authors. 
To provide a sense of their own identity they used their full
names or initials, pointing to the woman behind the marital
name, the 'Mrs' on the title page. Women were beginning to be
'agents of change', functioning on their own terms in a male
At the time there was much debate over 'the woman question'exactly
how much education and influence it was proper to allow women.
Women argued that as mothers of the next generation they were
the first line of education, and should thus be able to read
and reason for themselves. Some of the texts published 'subvert
masculine control […] quietly giving emphasis to female
passivity were still very much moral markers for women, but
women writers were creating their own space for self expression.
These women of the 1800s conformed to the expression of their
identities as a reference to their husbands, but beyond the
title page they used their own words and signed their names
with increasing autonomy. There was still a great deal of concern
to present an acceptable face to the reviewers. Critics were
'not kind to women novelists because they were womenonly
because they were humble'. 
Mary Tuck, in her 'Address' to Durston Castle, humbly
asks for leniency, 'I hope, also, the critic will spare this
first attempt, in commiseration of the misfortunes we have encountered.'
Reviewers tended to be male and often trivialised the novel
form, calling it out of control. They did not take the genre
very seriously, and 'the standard of criticism applied to the
novel in the eighteenth century was a further encouragement
to the female pen'. 
Although this refers to the eighteenth century, these values
were still clearly at work in the early nineteenth, and 'contemporary
reviewers read fiction and poetry according to their own gender
stereotypes […] praised when it conformed to feminine ideals'. 
This is shown by the rise in numbers of the female novelist,
and the increasing use of some form of name placed on the title page
or elsewhere. But women were still nervous of facing their reviewers,
and prefaces often defended the text and asked for approval.
It was still the case that fiction was 'a reflection of the
conventions which a certain level of society chose'. 
Thus, women still had to align their pride in their achievements
with their duty as women and the ideas of propriety. This might
mean they would use initials only and not risk a full declaration.
However radical some of these women may have been, they still
operated in a patriarchal society where the opinions of related
and respected males were paramount to success and reputation.
All four of the
patterns discussed in this study bring to light some fascinating
reasons why novels were published as they were. The influence
of the publishing industry and of the strict society of the
time were a minefield to be negotiated by any author. However,
it seems that on top of all these concerns, it was the female
author who also had to battle with the prejudices that threw
up so many barriers to the conduct of women. That these women
succeeded in publishing so many novels, thus gradually widening
their own sphere of education and that of their readers, is
an important development for the gender as a whole. Just as
importantly, their diligence helped to ensure the continuation
and growth of the novel form as a work of art, worthy of the
title of literature.
Trends in Authorship,
Fig. 1, below, displays the trends of authorial
ascription throughout the first three decades of the nineteenth
century, and is based on figures from 'British Fiction, 1800-1829:
A Database of Production and Reception', currently being developed
at the Centre for Editorial and Intertextual Research, Cardiff
University. The figure clearly demonstrates that the two competing
trends during this periodacross the genderswas balanced
between naming oneself on the title page or not. The use of
pseudonyms forms a constant but marginal approach when compared
to other options.
Fig 1. Authorship on Title Pages of
New Fiction, 18001829
What is clear,
however, is that anonymity on the title page was an increasing
policy employed by authors and their publishers, which rose
to an incredible 80% by the end of the period chartedthis
most obviously anticipates what was to happen in the earlier
fiction market of the Victorian era. Anonymity in the decade
discussed in this paper, however, falls from an almost even
keel with naming oneself at the start of the decade to a low-point
of 27.5%slightly over half the 54.3% of 1800. The fall
in anonymity seems commensurate to the rise in actual production
during this decade, which peaked during the imprint year of
1808 with 111 new titles.
latter half of the 1800s saw the rise of a number of salacious
and scandalous titles which shortly led to critical hostility
towards the novel genre. This tendency was somewhat checked
by the Evangelical phenomenon which occurred in polite fiction,
most potently during 1808-14. The attempt to make the novel
a 'proper' vehicle for moral expression in the context of a
youthful readership coincides with the remarkable peaking of
anonymity around 1811-12, occurring precisely while the Evangelical
incursion was at its height. Despite this rather short-lived
inclination towards excessive anonymity in new titles, the trend
did continue throughout the 1810s, gradually but consistently.
A more pronounced rise occurs c. 1817-18 and continues
unabated from just under 60% in 1818, to 70% in 1826, and finally
at 79.1% by the end of the decade.
In terms of female
anonymity, Fig. 2, below, charts the patterns which mark out
fictional ascriptions are somewhat modified. Female-ascribed
titles for the 1800s comprise 362 entries out of a total of
770 new titles (i.e. 47%). The decade starts at a high-point
of 56.4% of all female-authored titles being exhibited anonymously,
probably in response to the intense anti-Jacobin reaction to
the novel at the turn of the century. However, the movement
is downwards, falling by the imprint year 1804 to 16.7%, and
only beginning to rise in the (Evangelically) significant year
1812 with 51.5% of female titles being anonymous.
Fig 2. Authorship
on Title Pages of Female-Authored Fiction, 18001829
A second drop
in anonymity continues throughout the 1810s, before beginning
the marked rise in the latter half of the 1820s. While the willingness
of women to subscribe their names on title pages remains remarkably
consistent throughout the three decades, it should be noted
that in absolute terms the slice of the novel-market which female
authors actually maintained fluctuated from decade to decade.
Male-female authorship for gender-identified titles is not too
far apart during the 1800s, on average 47% (female) and 37.5%
(male), while in the 1810s women have the greater dominance
(52%) when compared to male authors (28.8%). This ratio is reversed
during the posy-Scottian 1820s, with male writers comprising
50.8% and women comprising 33.1%. It becomes clear, then, that
despite the fact that women were in general as willingproportionately
speakingto name themselves on title pages, the actual
appearance of female-authored works with named ascriptions against
the broad canvas of all new titles was by the 1820s in decline.
Gaskell, A New Introduction to Bibliography (1972; Winchester:
St Paul's Bibliographies, 1974), p. 189.
Ann Hanway, Falconbridge Abbey. A Devonshire Story, 5
vols (London: Minerva, 1809).
Edgeworth, Belinda, 3 vols (London: Joseph Johnson,
1801), I, ii.
Maurice Couturier, Textual Communication A Print-based Theory
of the Novel (London: Routledge, 1991), p. 61.
Kelly, English Fiction of the Romantic Period 1789-1830 (Harlow:
Longman, 1993), p. 73.
Garside, James Raven, Rainer Schöwering (gen. eds), The English
Novel, 1770-1829: A Bibliographical Survey of Fiction Published
in the British Isles, 2 vols(Oxford: OUP, 2000).
Maria Young, The Castles of Marsange & Nuger; or, the
Novitiate of de Rousillon. A Tale, 3 vols (London: Warren,
E. M. Foster, Emily of Lucerne. A Novel, 2 vols
(London: Minerva Press, 1800).
Anon., Adonia, a Desultory Story, 4 vols (London:
Black and Parry & Edinburgh: Bell and Bradfute,1801).
See Couturier, Textual Communication, p. 6.
Villa-Real Gooch, Sherwood Forest; or Northern Adventures.
A Novel, 3 vols (London: S. Highley, 1804).
Tuck, Durston Castle; or, the Ghost of Eleonora. A Gothic
Story (London: M. Tuck, 1804).
New Introduction to Bibliography, p. 298.
Textual Communication, p. 62.
Anon., The Mysterious Protector: A Novel, 2 vols
(London: George Robinson, 1805).
Farther Excursions of the Observant Pedestrian, Exemplified
on a Tour to Margate, 4 vols (London: Dutton, 1801).
Kathryn Burlinson, 'Nineteenth-Century Britain' in The Bloomsbury
Guide to Women's Literature, ed. Claire Buck (London: Bloomsbury,
1992), p. 21.
A Winter In Bath, 4 vols (London: Crosby, 1807); Mrs
E. G. Bayfield, A Winter At Bath; or, Love as It May Be,
4 vols (London: Hughes, 1807).
Bellamy, Dictionary of British Women Writers (London:
Methuen, 1989), p. 461.
B. G. MacCarthy, The Female Pen: Women Writers and
Novelists 16211818 (Cork: Cork University Press, 1994),
Couturier, Textual Communication, p. 63.
Ibid., p. 61.
Ibid., p. 60.
Kelly, English Fiction of the Romantic Period,
Anna Maria Mackenzie, The Irish Guardian, or, Errors
of Eccentricity, 3 vols (London: Longmans, 1809).
Burlinson, Nineteenth-Century Britain, p.
Elizabeth Hamilton, Translation of Letters to a Hindoo
Rajah, 2 vols (London: Robinsons, 1796).
MacCarthy, The Female Pen, p. 291.
Sydney Owenson, Woman: Or, Ida of Athens, 4 vols
(London: Longman, Hurst, Rees, and Orme, 1809).
Burlinson, Nineteenth-Century Britain, p.
Patricia Ingham, The Language of Gender and Class
(London: Routledge, 1996), p. 22.
See Kelly, English Fiction of the Romantic Period,
Ibid., p. 74.
Judith Lowder Newton, Women, Power and Subversion:
Social Strategies in British Fiction, 1778-1860 (London:
Methuen, 1985), p. xiii.
Ibid., p. 6.
MacCarthy, The Female Pen, p. 291.
Ibid., p. 290.
Burlinson, Nineteenth-Century Britain, p.
MacCarthy, The Female Pen, p. 283.
of Anonymous Titles, 18001829
Below are included all of the samples employed
in this study, recorded in condensed form from The English
Novel, 1770-1829: A Bibliographical Survey of Fiction Published
in the British Isles
by Peter Garside, James Raven and Rainer
Schöwering (Oxford: OUP, 2000; 2 vols.). The examples have been
divided into the three main groups listed discussed in this
paper, and the presence of the fourth groupthe 'Mrs' variantis
indicated by an asterisk (*) prefixing the name details. Notes
pertaining to the appearance of signatures, dedications, etc.
have also been included.
lists the full title, year of publication, a condensed version
of the publisher's imprint, and information regarding holdings
listed in the Eighteenth-
and Nineteenth-Century Short
[ESTC/NSTC]. The presence of copies in
the Corvey Microfiche Edition (CME) is also indicated when possible.
The letters BI before a list of holding libraries denotes that
they are to be found in Britain and Ireland, and similarly the
letters NA denote libraries in North America. For the purpose
of consistency the abbreviations for holding libraries are the
same as those used in the ESTC, even when the source of the
holding is the NSTC. Where the edition which provides the entry
does not appear in the ESTC or NSTC, this will be denoted by
a preceding 'x' (e.g. xESTC).
GOOCH, Eliz[abeth] Sarah
Truth and Fiction: A Novel, in Four Volumes. By Eliz.
Sarah Villa-Real Gooch. Author of The Contrast, Wanderings
of Imagination, Fancied events, &c. &c. (London:
Printed at the Apollo Press, by G. Cawthorn, 1801). 4 vols.,
Corvey; CME 3-628-48916-4; ECB 236; xNSTC.
* Preface, vol. 1, pp. i-xvi, signed Elizabeth Sarah Villa-Real,
and dated 'Michael's Place, Brompton, 1801'.
*OPIE, [Amelia Alderson].
The Father and Daughter, A Tale, In Prose: with an Epistle
from the Maid of Corinth to Her Lover; and Other Poetical
Pieces. By Mrs. Opie.(London: Printed by Davis, Wilks,
and Taylor; and Sold by Longman and Rees, 1801).
C S.727.d.80.29; ECB 423; NSTC O385 (BI O).
* Dedication to 'Dr. Alderson, of Norwich', signed 'Amelia
Opie, Berners Street, 1800'. 'To the Reader' expresses apprehension
felt 'as an avowed Author at the bar of public opinion'
(p. [vi]). Tale ends at p. 206, followed by poems.
[YORKE, Mrs R. P. M.].
The Romance of Smyrna; or, the Prediction Fulfilled!!!
In Four Volumes.(London: Printed for Earle and Hemet,
1801). 4 vols. 12mo.
Corvey; CME 3-628-48988-1; ECB 652; xNSTC.
* Dedication 'to Sir William Sidney Smith' signed 'R. P.
*GENLIS, [Stéphanie-Félicité, Comtesse
de]; [BARTON, James (trans.)?].
The Depraved Husband and the Philosophic Wife. In Two
Volumes. By Madame Genlis. (London: Printed by W. S.
Betham; for B. Crosby and Co. [.] and J. F. Hughes, 1803).
2 vols. 12mo.
CtY-BR Hfd29.370; ECB 225; xNSTC.
* Trans. of Le Mari corrupteur suivie de la femme philosophe
(Paris, 1803), itself based on Charles Lloyd's Edmund
Oliver (Bristol, 1798). End of text in both vols. signed
*GUNNING, [Elizabeth] [afterwards PLUNKETT,
The War-Office: A Novel. By Miss Gunning, Author of "The
Packet," "Farmer's Boy," &c. &c. In Three Volumes.
(London: Printed by J. Cundee; Published for the Author,
by M. Jones, 1803). 3 vols. 12mo.
Corvey; CME 3-628-47588-0; xNSTC.
* Dedication 'to His Royal Highness the Duke of York', signed
Elizabeth Gunning and dated 1 Dec 1802.
*GOOCH, [Elizabeth Sarah] Villa-Real.
Sherwood Forest; or Northern Adventures. A Novel. In
Three Volumes. By Mrs. Villa-Real Gooch. (London: Printed
for S. Highley, (Successor of the late Mr. John Murray,)
1804). 3 vols. 12mo.
Corvey; CME 3-628-47837-5; ECB 236; xNSTC.
* Dedication 'to James Wardell, Esq. Wine merchant, Pall
Mall', signed Elizabeth Sarah Villa-Real Gooch, King Street,
Hammersmith, 12 Apr 1804.
Durston Castle; or, the Ghost of Eleonora. A Gothic Story.
(London: Printed by C. and W. Galabin, for M. Tuck, 1804).
1 vol. 12mo.
Corvey; CME 3-628-47493-0; xNSTC.
* 'Address' to Mrs Crespigny, signed 'Mary Tuck', 'Circulating-Library,
near the Adam and Eve, Peckham'.
*SERRES, [Olivia Wilmot].
St. Julian: In a Series of Letters. By Mrs. J. T. Serres.
(London: Printed by D. N. Shury; for J. Ridgway, 1805).
1 vol. 8vo.
MH-H EC8.Se685.805s; xNSTC.
* Frontispiece portrait of 'Olivia Serres'.
The Discovery; or, the Mysterious Separation of Hugh
Doherty, Esq. and Ann His Wife. By H. D. Esq. (London:
Printed by G. Sidney. To Be Had only at No. 12, Temple Place,
Blackfriars Road, 1807). 1 vol. 12mo.
ViU CT848.D6A3.1807; ECB 164; xNSTC.
* 'To the Reader', pp. [v]-xcv, signed 'Hugh Doherty, Half-pay,
late 23d Lt. Dragoons. 12, Temple Place, Blackfriars-road,
London'. Drop-head title on p.  reads: 'The Discovery;
a Domestic Tale'. Quasifictional elements, especially in
epistolary exchanges, alongside more basic details of a
[HIRST, Augusta Ann].
Helen; or Domestic Occurrences. A Tale. In Two Volumes.
(London: Printed for the Author: Sold by W. Bent, 1807).
2 vols. 12mo.
MH-H EC8.H6181.807h; ECB 271; NSTC H1826 (BI O) [Later edn.
1808 (Corveya reissue by the Minerva Press with the
author's name on t.p., but minus the preliminaries), CME
* Dedication 'to the Right Honorable Countess Fitzwilliam',
signed Augusta Ann Hirst, London, 6 Apr 1807. 'Names of
Subscribers'(568 listed), vol. 1, pp. [xi]-xxx.
Ronaldsha; A Romance, In Two Volumes. By Mrs. Doherty,
Wife of Hugh Doherty, Esq. Author of The "Discovery; or,
Mysterious Separation." (London: Published by H. D.
Symonds; and May Be Had of All the Booksellers in the United
Kingdom, 1808). 2 vols. 12mo.
Corvey; CME 3-628-47442-6; ECB 167; xNSTC.
* Inscription to 'Thomas Hunter, Esq. and Hannah, his Wife',
signed 'Hugh Doherty'. 'Dedication', vol. 1, pp. [vii]-xvii,
again signed 'Hugh Doherty', and dated '4, Melina Place,
Westminster Road', London, 25 Apr 1808. Preface, vol. 1,
pp. [xxi]-xlv, also signed 'Hugh Doherty'. 'Apology', at
the end of vol. 2, pp. 259-62, signed and dated like the
Dedication. This is followed by an adv. for a new edn.,
'just published', of 'The Discovery; or, the Mysterious
Separation of Hugh Doherty, Esq. and Ann, his Wife'.
[RICKMAN, Thomas 'Clio'].
Atrocities of a Convent, or the Necessity of Thinking
for Ourselves, Exemplified in the History of a Nun. By a
Citizen of the World. (London: Printed by and for Clio
Rickman; and to Be Had of All Booksellers, 1808). 3 vols.
CLU-S/C PZ 2.1.A882; xNSTC.
* Vol. 3 contains at end 4pp. (unn.) advs. headed 'Also
written [sic] and published by Thomas Clio Rickman'.
This list contains works which are known to have been authored
by Thomas 'Clio' Rickman (1761-1834), who was also featured
in a contemporary portrait by Robert Dighton as 'A Citizen
of the World' (see DNB). The attribution of this rare novel
to him has apparently not been previously made [i.e. until
the publication of English Novels, 1770-1829].
[SEDLEY, Charles] [pseud.?].
The Faro Table; or, the Gambling Mothers. A Fashionable
Fable. In Two Volumes. By the Author of "The Barouche Driver
and his Wife," &c. &c. &c. (London: Printed
by J. Dean. For J. F. Hughes, 1808). 2 vols. 12mo.
BL 12611.aaa.25; ECB 525; NSTC S1061 (BI O).
* Preface signed Charles Sedley, London, 21 Dec 1807. 'Postcript
[sic] by the Publisher' (vol. 2, pp. 181-90), describing
an attack on his person by Hon. Richard Augustus Butler
Danvers, and which also mentions that 'Charles Sedley was
a fictitious person' (p. 182), signed J. F. Hughes, 5, Wigmore
*HANWAY, [Mary Ann].
Falconbridge Abbey. A Devonshire Story. In Five Volumes.
By Mrs. Hanway, Author of Ellinor, and Andrew Stuart.
(London: Printed at the Minerva-Press, for Lane, Newman,
and Co., 1809). 5 vols. 12mo.
Corvey; CME 3-628-47621-6; ECB 254; NSTC H477 (BI BL).
* Dedication 'to James Buller, Esq. Member of Parliament
for Exeter' signed 'Mary Ann Hanway', and dated Blackheath,
15 Dec 1808.
*MACKENZIE, [Anna Maria].
The Irish Guardian, or, Errors of Eccentricity. In Three
Volumes. By Mrs. Mackenzie. (London: Printed for Longman,
Hurst, Rees, and Orme, 1809). 3 vols. 12mo.
BL 1153.i.17; ECB 360; NSTC M344 [1811 as Almeria D'Aveiro;
or, the Irish Guardian (Corveya reissue by A.
K. Newman, with same colophon), CME 628-48094-9].
* Preface, vol. 1, pp. [i]-iv, signed Anna Maria Mackenzie,
reads: 'The Author perceives she cannot conclude without
paying a feeble tribute of praise to those male writers,
who have thought it no degradation of their dignity [.]
to [.] improve and amuse in the form of a novel' (p. iv).
*OWENSON, [Sydney] [afterwards MORGAN,
Woman: Or, Ida of Athens. By Miss Owenson, Author of
The "Wild Irish Girl," The "Novice Of St. Dominick," &c.
In Four Volumes. (London: Printed for Longman, Hurst,
Rees, and Orme, 1809). 4 vols. 12mo.
Corvey; CME 3-628-48374-3; ECB 396; NSTC O738 (BI BL, C,
* 'To the Public', vol. 1, pp. [iii]-vii signed 'Sydney
Owenson' and dated Dublin, 18 Nov 1808. This carries a footnote
which states: 'The "Wild Irish Girl" was written in six
weeks; the "Sketches" in one; and "Woman," though I had
long revolved its plan and tendency in my mind, and frequently
mentioned it in society, was not begun until the 20th of
last July. It was written at intervals, in England, Wales,
and Ireland, and almost always in the midst of what is called
the world. It was finished on the 18th of October, and is
now printed from the first copy' (p. vn).
The Young Rosiniere; or, Sketches of the World. A Novel,
In Three Volumes; by Mrs. Peck, Author of The Maid Of Avon,
Welch Peasant Boy, &c. (London: Printed for Henry
Colburn, 1809). 3 vols. 12mo.
Dt 200.r.122-124; ECB 477; NSTC P916.
* Dedication 'to the Right Hon. the Countess of Londonderry',
signed Frances Peck. Quarterly Review 3 (Feb 1810),
267 gives as 'By Mr. Rach, of Dublin', The English Catalogue
of Books, Preliminary Volume, 1801-1836edd. Robert
Alexander Peddie and Quintin Waddington (1914; New York:
Kraus Reprint Corporation, 1963)lists under 'Rach'.
The Dominican; a Romance: Of Which the Principal Traits
Are Taken from Events Relating to a Family of Distinction,
Which Emigrated from France during the Revolution. By Captain
T. Williamson, Author of The Wild Sports of the East. In
Three Volumes. (London: Printed for Longman, Hurst,
Rees, and Orme, 1809). 3 vols. 12mo.
Corvey; CME 3-628-48930-X; ECB 640; NSTC W2178 (BI BL).
* Dedication 'to His Most Christian Majesty, Louis XVIII.
King of France and Navarre' signed 'Thomas Williamson',
dated London, 5 Feb 1809.
[YOUNG, Henrietta Maria (trans.?)].
The Castles of Marsange & Nuger; or, the Novitiate
de Rousillon. A Tale, Altered from the French by a Lady.
In Which Is Introduced the History of Paulina & Isabella.
By the Translator. In Three Volumes. (Faversham: Printed
and Sold by Warren; Sold in London by J. Richardson; B.
Crosby and Co.; and the Other Booksellers, 1809). 3 vols.
Corvey; CME 3-628-47220-2; ECB 101; xNSTC.
* No French original discovered. Dedication 'to the Right
Hon. Lady Sondes' signed 'Henrietta Maria Young', Faversham,
Sept 1809. Preface signed 'The Translator'.
Tales of Truth. By a Lady. Under the Patronage of the
Duchess of York. In Four Volumes. (London: Printed
by T. Plummer, for R. Dutton, 1800). 4 vols. 8vo.
Corvey; CME 3-628-48874-5; EM 1279: 10; ESTC n013589 (NA
* Dedication to the Duchess of York signed 'E. H.'.
[EARLE, William (jun.)].
Obi; or, the History of Three-Fingered Jack. In a Series
of Letters from a Resident in Jamaica to His Friend in England.
(London: Printed for Earle and Hemet, 1800). 1 vol. 12mo.
ViU PR.3431.E171800; ESTC t176735 (BI BL, Lics; NA NjP,
* 'Advertisement' signed 'W. E. J.'.
[FOSTER, Mrs E. M.].
Emily of Lucerne. A Novel. In Two Volumes. By the Author
of The Duke of Clarence. (London: Printed at the Minerva-Press,
for William Lane, 1800). 2 vols. 12mo.
Corvey; CME 3-628-47563-5; ESTC n030766 (NA PU).
* Dedication in the 2nd vol. after t.p. 'to Her Royal Highness
the Princess of Wales' signed 'E. M. F.'.
[FOSTER, Mrs E. M.].
Frederic & Caroline, or the Fitzmorris Family. A
Novel. In Two Volumes. By the Author of Rebecca, Judith,
Miriam, &c. ( London: Printed at the Minerva-Press,
for William Lane, 1800). 2 vols. 12mo.
BL 12613.aaa.11; CME 3-628-47838-3; EM 199: 2; ESTC t068576
* Dedication 'to Her Royal Highness, the Princess of Wales',
signed 'E. M. F'. The Dedication is not found in the Corvey
copy of this title.
The School for Fashion, in Two Volumes. By Mrs. Thicknesse.
(London: Printed by H. Reynell, for Debrett and Fores, Hookham,
and Robinsons, 1800). 2 vols., ill. 8vo.
CtY-BR 1975.801; ECB 584; ESTC n036333 (BI C; NA PPL).
* 'Dedication. To Fashion', signed 'A. T.', vol. I, pp.
[v]-xvii. Frontispiece portrait of 'Mrs Thickness', opp.
t.p. in vol. 1; similar portrait of 'Philp. Thickness Esq'
opp. t.p. in vol. 2.
*HATFIELD, Miss [S.].
She Lives in Hopes; or, Caroline. A Narration Founded
Upon Facts. By Miss Hatfield, of Manchester. (By Permission)
Dedicated to Her Royal Highness the Princess of Orange and
Nassau. In Two Volumes. (London: Published for the Authoress,
and Sold by Parsons and Son, Vernor and Hood, Carpenter
and Co. [.] Clarks, Bancks, and Thomson, Manchester; and
Merritts and Wright, Liverpool, 1801). 2 vols. 12mo.
BL 12611.bbb.17; ECB 258; NSTC H870.
* Dedication signed S. Hatfield, London, 16 Apr 1801.
The Mysterious Protector: A Novel. Dedicated to Lady
Crespigny. In Two Volumes. (London: Printed for George
Robinson, 1805). 2 vols. 12mo.
Corvey; CME 3-628-48181-3; ECB 403; NSTC P3227 (BI BL, C).
* Dedication signed 'M. C.'. Novel proper ends vol. 2, p.
198, followed by 'Fugitive Verses' (pp. -203).
*TEMPLE, Mrs [F.].
Ferdinand Fitzormond; or, The Fool of Nature. By Mrs.
Temple. In Five Volumes. (London: Printed for Richard
Phillips; by B. M'Millan, 1805). 5 vols. 12mo.
Corvey; CME 3-628-48948-2; ECB 582; NSTC T460 (BI BL).
* 'Advertisement', signed 'F. Temple', dated London, May,
*ROBERTS, Mrs [D.].
Delmore, Or Modern Friendship. A Novel. In Three Volumes.
By Mrs. Roberts. (London: Printed for the Author, and
Sold by R. Faulder, 1806). 3 vols. 12mo.
Corvey; CME 3-628-48653-X; xNSTC.
* Dedication 'to Her Royal Highness the Princess of Wales'
signed D. Roberts, Clarence Place.
Count Eugenio; or, Fatal Errors: A Tale, Founded on Fact.
By Mrs. Butler. In Two Volumes. (London: Printed for
J. F. Hughes, 1807). 2 vols. 12mo.
Corvey; CME 3-628-47149-4; ECB 89; xNSTC.
* Dedication 'to a Member of the British Senate', dated
May 1807' and signed 'H. B.'.
*DUNCOMBE, Mrs [A].
The Village Gentleman, and the Attorney at Law; a Narrative.
By Mrs. Duncombe. In Two Volumes. (London: Printed for
J. Hatchard, 1808). 2 vols. 12mo.
BL 838.b.27; ECB 174; NSTC D2184 (BI E, O).
* Dedication to the the Countess of Albemarle, signed A.
Duncombe. 'subscribers' Names' (56 listed), vol. 1, pp.
[iii]-v. According to The Feminist Companion to Literature
in Englishedd. Virginia Blain, Isobel Grundy,
and Patricial Clements (London, 1990)this novel is
falsely ascribed to Susanna Duncombe (née Highmore), whose
husband's Christian name was John.
The Spirit of Turretville: Or, the Mysterious Resemblance.
A Romance of the Twelfth Century: In Two Volumes. (London:
Printed by J. D. Dewick, for R. Dutton, 1800). 2 vols. 12mo.
Corvey; CME 3-628-48800-1; EM 131: 4; ESTC t066395 (BI BL).
* 'Advertisement', regarding subject of novel, states: 'The
Proprietor of an extensive circulating library informed
him [the author], that he could not keep a ghost or a spirit
at home' (p. [iii]).
Farther Excursions of the Observant Pedestrian, Exemplified
in a Tour to Margate. In Four Volumes. By the Author of
The "Observant Pedestrian," in Two Volumes, "Mystic Cottager,"
"Montrose," &c. ( London: Printed for R. Dutton,
by J. D. Dewick, 1801). 4 vols. 12mo.
Corvey; CME 3-628-47635-6; NSTC M1127 (BI BL, O).
* Introductory 'To The Reviewers In General' asserts female
[FOSTER, Mrs E. M.].
Concealment, or the Cascade of Llantwarryhn. A Tale.
In Two Volumes. By the Author of Miriam, Judith, Fedaretta,
&c. (London: Printed at the Minerva-Press, for William
Lane, 1801). 2 vols. 12mo.
Corvey; CME 3-628-47307-1; ECB 129; xNSTC.
* 'To The Reader' (unnumbered) refers to 'The authoress
of the ensuing work'.
[RICHARDSON, Caroline E.].
Adonia, a Desultory Story, in Four Volumes. Inscribed,
by Permission, to Her Grace the Duchess of Buccleugh.
(London: Printed for A. & J. Black & H. Parry; and
Bell & Bradfute, Edinburgh, 1801). 4 vols. 12mo.
BL 12614.cc.15; ECB 6; NSTC A479 (BI E, O).
* Dedication by 'the Authoress' dated London, 19 Jan 1801.
Catalogue [1810-16] of MacKay's Circulating Library (Edinburgh)
lists as 'by Mrs. Richardson'. Also identified in Jackson
as Richardson, Caroline E., Mrs George G. (1777-1853), the
wife of George Richardson, a servant of the East India Company,
and herself eventually proprietor of the Berwick Advertiser.
This is a different author from Charlotte Caroline Richardson,
author of The Soldier's Child (1821: 63).
The History of Netterville, a Chance Pedestrian. A Novel.
In Two Volumes. (London: Printed by J. Cundee, [.] for
Crosby and Co., 1802). 2 vols. 12mo.
Corvey; CME 3-628-47672-0; ECB 273; NSTC N578 (BI O).
* Dedication, signed 'The Authoress', describes this as
a 'second attempt in the region of fiction'.
The Mysteries of Abruzzo, by the Author of the Child
of Doubt, &c. In Two Volumes. (London: Printed by
and for R. Cantwell; and Sold by Hughes, 1802). 2 vols.
No copy of 1st edn. located; ECB 403; xNSTC.
* Details above replicate Corvey 2nd edn. (CME 3-628-48177-5),
where 'Advertisement' indicates female authorship. Eliza
Beaumont and Harriet Osborne; or, The Child of Doubt
(1789) is by Indiana Brooks, but apart from the similarity
of the subtitle no evidence has been discovered about the
authorship of this title.
Amasina, or the American Foundling. In Two Volumes. Dedicated
by Permission to Lady Cotter. (London: Printed at the
Minerva-Press, for Lane, Newman, and Co., 1804. 2 vols.
Corvey; CME 3-628-47052-8; ECB 14; NSTC A1082 (BI O)
* Dedication signed 'the Authoress'. T.p. attribution later
indicates by the same author as The Soldier of Pennaflor
[ROBERTSON, Eliza Frances].
Destiny: Or, Family Occurrences: An Interesting Narrative.
In Two Volumes. (London: Printed by William Burton.
Sold by Mr. Ryan, near Pantheon, Oxford Street; and May
also Be Had of the Principal Booksellers in the United Kingdoms;
and at All the Circulating Libraries, [1804?]). 2 vols.
BL N.1898; NSTC D947.
* Recto following t.p. reads: 'The Author presents most
respectful Thanks to those Ladies and Gentlemen who did
her the Honor of subscribing for this Work; but being few
in number, and some, from a Wish to conceal their Benevolence,
having forbid their Names to appear, a List of Subscribers
is omitted.' Eliza Robertson was imprisoned for debt, and
died in the Fleet Prison (Jackson).
The Castle of Santa Fe. A Novel. In Four Volumes. By
a Clergyman's Daughter, Author of Jealousy, or the Dreadful
Mistake. (London: Printed at the Minerva-Press, for
Lane, Newman, and Co., 1805). 4 vols. 12mo.
Corvey; CME 3-628-47223-7; ECB 100; NSTC C2390 (BI BL, O).
* Dedication to the Honourable Mrs Ariana Egerton, with
a footnote stating 'This Dedication was designed for the
Press, by the truly amiable and lamented Author of this
Work, a short time before she-DIED!'. British Library and
Bodleian catalogues list under Cleeve, Miss; though Dorothy
BlakeyThe Minerva Press 17901820 (London:
The Bibliographical Society, 1939)treats both this
title and Jealousy (1802) as anonymous. No further
information about Miss Cleeve has been discovered.
Forresti; or, the Italian Cousins. A Novel. In Three
Volumes. By the Author of Valambrosa [sic].
(London: Printed at the Minerva-Press, for Lane, Newman,
and Co., 1806). 3 vols. 12mo.
Corvey; CME 3-628-47824-3; ECB 211; xNSTC.
* 'P.S.' at the end of vol. 3 concerning over-severe 'criticism
upon his last publication' in the Critical Review
3rd ser. 11 (May 1807), 96-97: male authorship implied.
Writing about Valombrosa; or the Venetian Nun (London:
Minerva Press, 1805; 2 vols.), Critical Review 3rd
ser. 4 (Mar 1805), 329 states: 'We cannot congratulate this
gentleman (for a male performance it must certainly be)
on the slightest ambition to imitate that delicacy which
is one of the many beauties so profusely scattered over
the writings of Mrs Radcliffe'.
Marianna; or, Modern Manners. A Novel. In Two Volumes.
(London: Printed by Luke Hansard & Sons, for T. Cadell
and W. Davies, 1808). 2 vols. 12mo.
Corvey; CME 3-628-48157-0; NSTC M1136 (BI BL, C).
* Preface dated London, 1 June 1808; this implies male authorship.
Newminster Abbey, or the Daughter Of O'More. A Novel,
Founded on Facts. And Interspersed with Original Poetry
and Picturesque and Faithful Sketches of Various Countries.
In Two Volumes. (London: Printed by B. Clarke, for J.
F. Hughes, 1808). 2 vols. 12mo.
Corvey; CME 3-628-48194-5; NSTC O334 (BI BL).
* Preface, pp. [iii]-iv, implies male authorship.
[PALMER, Alicia Tyndal].
The Husband and the Lover. An Historical and Moral Romance.
In Three Volumes. (London: Printed for Lackington, Allen,
and Co., 1809). 3 vols. 12mo.
Corvey; CME 3-628-47679-8; ECB 290; xNSTC.
* Author's note in vol. 3, pp. 373-4 states: 'The Author
has endeavoured, in this work, carefully to avoid violating
any important historic fact. She has founded her little
tale on the circumstance of John Sobieski, after ascending
the throne of Poland, having so far acknowledged a son of
the Marchioness de Briscacier to be his, as to exert his
influence with Louis XIV, to confer on that son the title
of Duke'. Her note also calls the novel 'this first essay
of her pen'.
This article is copyright © 2000 Centre for Editorial and
Intertextual Research, and is the result of the independent
labour of the scholar or scholars credited with authorship. The
material contained in this document may be freely distributed,
as long as the origin of information used has been properly
credited in the appropriate manner (e.g. through bibliographic
to this Article
K. L. DAWES. 'Anonymity and the Pressures of Publication in
the Early Nineteenth Century', Cardiff Corvey: Reading the
4 (May 2000). Online: Internet (date
Kathryn Dawes recently completed a BA and an MA in English Literature
at Cardiff University. Her work for the MA focused on bibliographical
and textual studies and also cyberpunk, a sub-genre of science
fiction. She now works as a freelance proof-reader and copy-editor,
and lives in Ceredigion.
Thanks are due to Professor
Peter Garside for help and much pointing-in-the-right-direction
on this essay.
20 September, 2005
This document is maintained by Anthony Mandal